tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-857888995922272672024-03-05T13:18:32.860+09:00Nuclear Free by 2045?300 articles and commentaries that try to convince readers that the answer to this question must be yes. Dismantle all bombs and reactors before the centennial of the Trinity Nuclear Bomb Test on July 16, 1945. Sooner would be better, but since the human race loves centennials, this is one to put in your calendar. Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger298125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-87905012651945734082016-12-04T23:42:00.000+09:002020-01-18T19:41:23.855+09:00Five years, that's all I've got<style>@font-face {
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}p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal { margin: 0mm 0mm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; font-size: 12pt; font-family: "Yu Mincho"; }p.MsoNoSpacing, li.MsoNoSpacing, div.MsoNoSpacing { margin: 0mm 0mm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; font-size: 12pt; font-family: "Yu Mincho"; }.MsoChpDefault { font-family: "Yu Mincho"; }div.WordSection1 { }</style><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">NEW BLOG <a href="https://dennisriches.wordpress.com/" target="_blank">HERE</a></span></b><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">Loyal readers of this
blog, if there are any left, may have noticed that I have departed from my
original purpose in 2011 of writing about the Fukushima Daiichi catastrophe and all the
various problems with nuclear energy. Over the past year, most of the blog
posts have been about nuclear disarmament and its relation to the broader
issues of war and international relations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">This drift happened
because I felt I had covered everything there was to say about the argument
against nuclear energy. There are things left to say. The nuclear catastrophes
are not over, but they are being covered well elsewhere, so I shifted my attention
to nuclear disarmament because it seemed to be a more urgent problem as well as
a prerequisite (or co-requisite) of the abolition of nuclear energy. I’ve been
on this topic also because there are some aspects of it that I believe are not
being addressed sufficiently by most disarmament groups that tend to have a
single-issue orientation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">Nuclear disarmament
receives a lot more attention than the threats posed by the proliferation of nuclear
power plants, and all of the groups fighting for disarmament seem to have made
a strategic choice not to put the elimination of nuclear energy on their
agenda. Article IV of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
gives all parties the right to develop nuclear energy for “peaceful purposes.”
Much attention is paid to the other articles of the treaty that oblige the
nuclear powers to work toward disarmament, but the proliferation problems
arising from Article IV get passed over. The strategy is to get rid of the
bombs first and worry about that other problem later. This neglect, however, takes
nuclear power completely off the agenda of international politics, and reminds
anti-nuclear activists that there is a very, very long road to travel to the
elimination of all nuclear technologies. It is much more likely at this stage that
nuclear power will fade away because of the emergence of renewable energy technologies
as well as national and regional constraints on the continuation of this
outdated way of producing electricity.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">Nuclear disarmament
groups also seem content to ignore the broader problems posed by international disparities
in military spending and the proliferation of conventional military hardware.
If this neglect continues, and if the movement succeeds in getting the UN to
ratify an international treaty declaring nuclear weapons illegal, we will be
left with a very destabilized world, with the United States vastly predominant
in a non-nuclear armed world. Intercontinental ballistic missiles would be refitted
with precision conventional bombs capable of putting any nation on earth back
in the Stone Age within a matter of weeks. This has already been achieved with an assortment of various cruise missiles, air raids and drone attacks in
Serbia (1999), Iraq (1991, 2003) and Libya (2011). An American predominance in
space-based weapons and anti-ballistic missiles would simply add to the
imbalance of power. The absence of nuclear deterrence among weaker powers could
set off a new arms race based on old-fashioned dependence on tanks, heavy
artillery, and so on, then there would be an increased risk of war, with a likelihood
that in any conflict nuclear power plants would be demolished with conventional
weaponry. The fire burning at just one destroyed nuclear fuel storage pool
would be far worse than Chernobyl or Fukushima (depending on the status of its
contents), and there could be multiple such disasters in a large-scale war. It would
be nuclear war coming in a way that wasn’t expected, the good intentions of
rapid nuclear disarmament leading to unforeseen consequences.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">The recent defeat of
the Democratic Party in the United States illustrated what happens when a
regime spends decades compromising its core values in order to achieve short-term
gains. Continually choosing the lesser evil eventually leads to a rendezvous
with the evil we had first wanted to avoid. The disarmament movement is making
the same mistake when it strategically decides to not talk about nuclear
energy, then scoffs at nations that hesitate to embrace the instability that
would follow a ban on nuclear weapons. It is easy to laugh at this fear of
instability and dismiss it as an outrageous excuse to go on endangering life on
the planet, but we laugh at our own peril. It is not so easy to convince people
who remember the battle of Stalingrad in 1942-43, as well as the humiliation,
economic devastation and NATO expansion that followed the nuclear arms reductions
of the 1980s and 1990s. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">The Russians and the
Chinese are having none of this talk of a ban on nuclear weapons as long as the
US regards them as a threat to America’s preferred version of “global order.”
They are quick to remind the global community that it wasn’t they who set off
the nuclear arms race in 1945. They expect America to lead the way not only to
nuclear disarmament but also to a general demilitarization and retrenchment of
its global supremacy toward a world of balanced interests. The first stop on nuclear disarmament's "road to Damascus" (pun intended) is the Pentagon.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">Since my writing is
moving on to other topics, this blog will no longer be updated with weekly
posts. The title no longer matches what I want to write about, and besides, the
title never really worked after the blog evolved in unexpected ways. I received
comments telling me I was a compromising sellout for not wanting a nuclear free
world tomorrow, and I received others telling me that 2045 was much too soon, too
much of a quixotic dream (as if I didn’t know.) But nowadays, I don’t get any
comments at all.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">The blog still receives
500-1000 views every week, but I have no way of knowing how many people read
beyond the first paragraph, how many are students looking for a report they can
copy and paste into an assignment, or how many are just web crawlers, bots and
security agencies scouring the internet. Book offers never came, and no one
from bigger journals and alternative media sites asked to republish my articles.
In a way, I feel like I have failed for not having made it to the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Washington Post’s</i> recent list of “fake
news” sites that included all the respectable alternative media websites—the
ones that must be “fake” and overrun with useful idiots for the mythical Russian
propaganda machine—just because they question American foreign policy. But alas,
no one from the Russian embassy here in Tokyo ever tracked me down and took me
out for coffee to discuss a mutually beneficial arrangement. I remain
unaffiliated, un-sponsored and non-commercial, writing for reasons yet to be fully
revealed, even to myself.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;">The best thing about
writing this blog, aside from whatever educational merit it provided to the
world and whatever it did to keep my aging brain sharp, was the number of
friendships it led to. Family and friends read the blog regularly and offered
encouragement, or stayed politely silent when I was being too outrageous for
their liking. There were also many new friends who contacted me through email
and social media. Some I have met in person, some I might meet someday, but to meet them all the
list is too long, the distances too vast, and the years remaining too limited.
I would name you all, but you might prefer that I didn’t, so I’ll just say a
big THANK YOU. You all know who you are.</span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; font-size: 11.0pt;"><b> THE</b> <b><a href="https://dennisriches.wordpress.com/" target="_blank">NEW BLOG</a> PICKS UP WHERE THIS ONE LEAVES OFF.</b></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com7tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-8602526793404773092016-10-29T09:39:00.002+09:002016-11-03T07:51:22.301+09:00The quiet catastrophe in the French nuclear fleet<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When a
mega-earthquake and tsunami caused the unplanned and rapid decommissioning of
the Fukushima Daiichi NPP, the world awoke to the dangers of an over-reliance
on electricity generated from nuclear fission. There are unacceptable hazards
involved in operating just one nuclear reactor, but when a nation, state or
province relies on nuclear for the majority of its electricity (for example, South
Korea, Ontario, Ukraine, France), it risks having a dangerous shortage of
electricity during a nuclear reactor meltdown. The disaster causes not only the
loss of the affected reactors, but it also causes a political crisis, and it forces
a precautionary shutdown of all reactors until regulators can investigate
whether the fatal flaw exists elsewhere in the nuclear fleet. But in fact a
major meltdown disaster is not required to force a nuclearized state into this
situation. The discovery of heretofore unknown risks, such as seismic fault lines,
tsunami risk, threat of terrorism or war, could force regulators to shut down
all reactors until the problem is resolved, if it can be resolved—and if one
follows the logic of nuclear risks, they can’t be solved. A case in point is
the situation occurring in France this season. The report that follows
describes how the recent discovery of manufacturing defects in French nuclear
power plants has forced the national regulator to shut down one third of the
nuclear fleet as peak demand season approaches. During its period of
nuclearization, France encouraged people to consume electricity, promoting
electric heating while doing too little to promote conservation and efficiency.
Now, on top of all the political and social turmoil France has to deal with, it
faces a metaphorical meltdown of its nuclear industry as regulators take
precautions to avoid a literal meltdown. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrGt4iicRT4572Vd2nJRTLVlVo73ru-0UgfmXB3SA9D8Pe0T5JND57dRatThrfdULplk9D_db3gqhpRhMf2iLFAZWjY3wmPHXtnu0I4wDA835IoweX4JWqvQv9XX5vwK1VXCN98smnIYU/s1600/altereco-logo.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrGt4iicRT4572Vd2nJRTLVlVo73ru-0UgfmXB3SA9D8Pe0T5JND57dRatThrfdULplk9D_db3gqhpRhMf2iLFAZWjY3wmPHXtnu0I4wDA835IoweX4JWqvQv9XX5vwK1VXCN98smnIYU/s1600/altereco-logo.png" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;"><b><a href="http://www.alterecoplus.fr/vers-un-nucleogate-francais/00012485">Towards
a French “Nucleargate</a></b></span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">”</span></b></span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">?</span></b></span><b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">by Benjamin Desssus and Bernard Laponche, <i><a href="http://www.alterecoplus.fr/">Altereco+Plus</a></i>,
October 25, 2016 <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Translation by Dennis Riches of </span><i><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.alterecoplus.fr/vers-un-nucleogate-francais/00012485">Vers un
nucléogate français?</a></span></i><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Recent weeks have revealed much about
the actual state of the French nuclear power infrastructure.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It was known already that the reactor pressure vessel for
the EPR in Flamanville was flawed in a way that made it unusable: the
concentration of carbon in the vessel head and the vessel base made the steel
susceptible to cracking during an instance of thermal shock. This evidently
crucial issue for the future of the EPR in Flamanville is under consideration
by the </span><i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Autorité de sûreté nucléaire</span></i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(ASN) which will release its diagnosis
and prescription next March (2017).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">18
Defective Reactors<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">However, in recent weeks we have also learned that this
defect in manufacturing affects 18 reactors that are presently in service,
either in the pressure vessels or in steam generators. The ASN has thus ordered
a provisional shutdown of these reactors in order to diagnose the gravity of
the situation. The order also halts the planned restart of the steam generator
of one of the reactors at Fessenheim. At fault is the manufacturer Creusot,
owned by Areva, and a Japanese manufacturer which may not have sent its best
products to France.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A
catastrophic situation<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This is clearly a catastrophe at several levels. Firstly,
almost one third of the nuclear fleet (<i>parc
nucléaire</i>) is now stopped as winter approaches, which is 20% of total
French production capacity. It is a conundrum for EDF (<i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; line-height: 107%;">Électricité</span></i><i> de France</i>) which the government has tried to solve by
renouncing its solemn commitment to establishing a floor price applicable to
fossil fuel generating stations. This would have been too costly financially
for the already weakened national enterprise (EDF) which has hastily restarted
all the fossil fuel generating stations that it still possesses.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Furthermore, this discovery of defects in parts as important
as reactor vessels, steam generators and pressurizers is all the more serious
because they had been formally excluded from various hypothetical scenarios of
possible accidents. These parts were excluded from consideration as “possible
sources of rupture.” The discovery of these defects in fabrication casts doubt
on the philosophical structure and the calculations that support judgments
about the probability of major accidents occurring. What are these calculations
worth if we find that serious and irreparable defects exist in the most
critical parts that we had once assumed to be perfect?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Areva
might have quietly falsified the required safety certifications <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">But there is worse to come. The ASN, concerned by this
avalanche of discoveries, investigated Areva to verify whether hundreds of
other parts conform to the required specifications. This led to a new surprise,
the discovery of hundreds of “locked files” within which Areva might have
quietly falsified the required safety certifications. This practice seems to be
so common that it is hard to imagine that it is a matter of an isolated
occurrence.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
unimaginable has occurred<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Anomalies and falsifications of materials once supposed to
be perfect: it’s all there. As we were told by Jacques Repussard in 2011, then
general director of the </span><i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Institut de radioprotection et de
sûreté nucléaire</span></i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (IRSN), “We have to imagine the unimaginable.” With half of
the French nuclear fleet in a state of degraded safety, we are in an unimagined
situation, and it is very serious. Before these “discoveries,” the president of
the ASN declared, “A major nuclear accident is possible anywhere.” In the
present situation, it is more and more possible in France.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A
parallel situation to dieselgate comes to mind<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The comparison to dieselgate in Germany comes to mind:
technical norms not respected on materials critical for safety, numerous
falsified certificates in order to get approval from authorities. It’s all
there, but with a crucial difference. This wasn’t like in Germany where the scandal
occurred under the direction of a dictatorial head of a multinational
corporation. In France it occurred in enterprises that were quasi-nationalized,
led by the aegis of the technocratic elite who pride themselves in their honesty
and devotion to the nation. And all this occurred with total impunity for the
managers responsible.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The situation should make all citizens reflect on the limits
of our democracy…<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">__________</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">For more on this story, see the Greenpeace report </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.greenpeace.org/japan/ja/news/press/2016/pr201610251/" target="_blank">JAPANESE STEEL AT CENTER OF FRENCH NUCLEAR CRISIS – MAJOR QUESTIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR JAPANESE REACTOR SAFETY (2016/10/25)</a></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">and the power industry magazine:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lee Buchsbaum, "<a href="http://www.powermag.com/frances-nuclear-storm-many-power-plants-down-due-to-quality-concerns/?pagenum=1" target="_blank">France's Nuclear Storm: Many Power Plants Down Due to Quality Concerns</a>," <i>Powermag</i>, <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">November 1, 2016.</span></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-20471076977287006552016-10-18T22:34:00.001+09:002016-10-27T20:48:31.697+09:00Thirty Years from Chernobyl to Fukushima: Things Have Changed<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This week’s post uses a few lines from <i><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L9EKqQWPjyo">Things Have Changed</a></i>
as a small tribute to Bob Dylan having been awarded the 2016 Nobel Prize in
Literature…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Standing on the gallows with my head in
a noose<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Any minute now I’m expecting all hell
to break loose...<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">People are crazy and times are strange<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: right;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I’m locked in tight, I’m out of range<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I used to care, but things have
changed...<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: right;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Only a fool in here would think he’s
got anything to prove...<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: right;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I’ve been walking forty miles of bad
road<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: right;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If the Bible is right, the world will
explode…<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">What if…?<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[Japanese
Prime Minister] Abe’s continuing concern for nuclear as well as conventional
forces emerged at a private dinner the Abes gave during the state visit for
Obama with the Secretary of State. The latter, in a memo to Obama written
shortly afterward, documented for the president “the remarkable evening…at the
Imperial Hotel… the liveliness of the conversation and the easy conviviality.”
The Secretary was struck “by how deeply affected Abe appeared to be by the
Fukushima accident. He commented that it was a great tragedy which cost Japan
trillions of yen and had only been barely overcome through the tireless efforts
of an enormous number of people. Abe noted with seemingly genuine horror the
devastation that would occur if nuclear power plants became targets in a
conventional war, much less a full nuclear exchange… It was obvious from that
evening that Fukushima has left a strong anti-nuclear streak in Abe’s thinking.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If
you have been following the Japanese government’s reaction to the Fukushima
catastrophe, you recognized quickly that the paragraph above is a joke. The
only Japanese prime minister who took the event seriously and understood its
implications was Naoto Kan, and he was forced from office within a year. Since
then, the two subsequent administrations of Noda and Abe have done everything
in their power to deny the severity of the disaster in order to rehabilitate
the domestic and international nuclear industry. The paragraph above was
actually an adaptation of a real description of Mikhail Gorbachev’s reaction to
the Chernobyl disaster which was written by Richard Rhodes in his book <i>Arsenals of Folly</i>:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gorbachev’s
continuing concern for nuclear as well as conventional forces emerged at a
private dinner the Gorbachevs and the Shevardnadzes gave during the Moscow
summit [1988] for the Reagans and the Shultzes. Shultz in a memo to Reagan
written shortly afterward, documented for the president “the remarkable
evening…at the Tsarist palace… the liveliness of the conversation and the easy
conviviality.” He was struck, Shultz wrote, “by how deeply affected Gorbachev
appeared to be by the Chernobyl accident. He commented that it was a great tragedy
which cost the Soviet Union billions of rubles and had only been barely
overcome through the tireless efforts of an enormous number of people.
Gorbachev noted with seemingly genuine horror the devastation that would occur
if nuclear power plants became targets in a conventional war, much less a full
nuclear exchange… It was obvious from that evening that Chernobyl has left a
strong anti-nuclear streak in Gorbachev’s thinking.</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[1]<i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
fake version of this paragraph, substituting the facts of the 1986 catastrophe
with those of the one that happened in 2011, was made in order to highlight how hot the
water in the pot is getting for humanity, the slow-cooking frogs who refer to
themselves as <i>homo sapiens</i> (the wise
creatures). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gorbachev’s
reaction seems to be what any sane and sensitive person should think and feel
after leading his country through such a tragedy. It makes for a stark contrast
with the normalization and denial of a nuclear catastrophe that we have seen
since 2011, one that is arguably worse than Chernobyl in its long-term
consequences.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It
was so easy for the Western world in 1986 to pity those poor, backward
communists and blame the disaster on the inefficient bureaucracies that lacked
a profit motive to incentivize institutions to avoid costly mistakes.
Capitalist ideology is so deeply ingrained that its captives cannot admit to
the failure of the technology under their control. It wasn’t supposed to
happen, so it didn’t happen. The strontium 90 can pour into the ocean for
eternity, but if they believe this is inconsequential, then believing will make
it so. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In
this regard, Soviet communism, in spite of all its failings, still had a shred
of decency within it. It was able to place some priorities above money,
recognize the scale of the tragedy, and throw the necessary resources at the
problem. This is not to say there were not horrific scandals regarding tainted
food being shuffled around and diluted, or victims being abandoned by
bureaucracies. In the official reaction to Chernobyl, however, at least we did
not have to listen to Gorbachev glossing over the problem and see him pursuing a
national vanity project such as bidding to host the 1996 Olympics. He took
Chernobyl and all of his country’s problems seriously. Then again, we must
remember that Gorbachev was punished for his decency and honesty, just like
Naoto Kan. He was blamed by some for the downfall of the Soviet Union, and double-crossed
by Boris Yeltsin in the autumn of 1991 in the chain of events that led to the
dissolution of the Soviet Union, followed by Russia’s acquiescence to Western
capitalism.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
description of Gorbachev’s worry about Chernobyl includes a mention of the “devastation
that would occur if nuclear power plants became targets in a conventional war.”
This is a danger that is seldom mentioned in discussions of the “safety” of nuclear
energy. Nuclear power plants first came online in the 1960s-70s in the Soviet
Union, Europe, North America and Northeast Asia. This was two to three decades
after WWII, when these regions had become accustomed to peaceful relations with
each other and memories of aerial bombardment had faded. They were not built in
the regions of the world which were still in conflict. No one gave much thought
to the danger of nuclear power plants being bombarded or targeted in terrorist
attacks. However, it is notable that during this era Israel seemed to be aware
of the risks when it chose to build nuclear weapons but not nuclear power
plants. They didn’t want nuclear power plants to be targeted by their enemies,
and they didn’t want the attention that comes from running a nuclear energy
program. Doing so would have invited IAEA inspections and suspicions that the
program would be used to produce fissile material for a bomb.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In
truth, the governments which built nuclear power plants were always aware of
the danger. They just preferred not to mention it in public debates about
energy. The public could raise concerns about the costs, the possibility of
accidents, the establishment of evacuation routes, and so on, and the
government had semi-convincing answers for all of these issues, but a
discussion of what would happen in wartime was off the table. It just wasn’t conceivable.
It was, like a forty-meter tsunami, something that was “beyond expectation.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnsisbxnaC7raRTtjtdVJE-2V2pk6uZpIQzGx37nLfXAFjakk2woQycNJ9XXVl-ZMo89BryBwdJIq-IyYgmGbukvzQKH0ouh-wdov0gCAIH2p9OgQMxJaoi0HRSZw6J3ofxFc2GHWoKSw/s1600/rhodes-twilight+of+the+bombs.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgnsisbxnaC7raRTtjtdVJE-2V2pk6uZpIQzGx37nLfXAFjakk2woQycNJ9XXVl-ZMo89BryBwdJIq-IyYgmGbukvzQKH0ouh-wdov0gCAIH2p9OgQMxJaoi0HRSZw6J3ofxFc2GHWoKSw/s320/rhodes-twilight+of+the+bombs.jpg" width="222" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Richard
Rhodes’s next book, <i>The Twilight of the
Bombs, </i>contains passages which<i> </i>indicate
that nuclear plant hazards were very much on the minds of governments and
military strategists in the late 1980s and early 1990s (and probably much
earlier) when the US administrations of G.H.W. Bush and Clinton woke up to the
fact that Iraq and North Korea had advanced nuclear weapons programs. Rhodes
describes how in 1994 East Asia was on the brink of total war as some American military
strategists, emboldened by the Gulf War “success,” expressed rather cavalier
attitudes about the need to “take out” North Korea before it became too late
eliminate its nuclear program:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 13.5pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Perry
understood, Gallucci and his colleagues wrote, that "the United States
could not fight a war in Korea without Japan. Bases in that country would be
critical to support forces on the Korean Peninsula." At the same time, Japan
recognized "the possibility of North Korean attacks [on Japan] using
chemical or biological weapons or attempts to destroy the twenty-five nuclear
reactors [on the Japanese coast] along the Sea of Japan, vulnerable to North
Korean commando operations and missile attacks."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 13.5pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">At
a meeting with Clinton and his senior advisers on 19 May [1994], Perry, Luck,
and the Joint Chiefs' chairman, John Shalikashvili, gave a tough-minded
assessment of a war they believed they could win at great cost--without
mentioning the cost. "When asked by the president at a different briefing
whether the United States would win the war," Gallucci and his colleagues
wrote, "General Luck replied, 'Yes, but at the cost of a million and a
trillion.'" The million were military and civilian casualties killed or
wounded; the trillion was the loss in dollars to the South Korean economy of a
second Korean War. Standing against these grim statistics, Hecker pointed out,
was the reality that the entire North Korean plutonium capability was still
concentrated at Yongbyon, so that "at that time they still would have had
the chance to destroy it all. If they bombed the reactor or bombed the
reprocessing facility or bombed the spent fuel pool they would destroy the fuel
rods, and the plutonium would be gone.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 13.5pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Why
taking out or defending a plutonium-production facility in a country which had
not yet tested a bomb would be worth thousands of American, hundreds of
thousands of South Korean, and an unspecified number of North Korean and
Japanese lives, no one in several governments involved has yet satisfactorily
explained. Perry, with his former assistant secretary of defense Ashton Carter,
attempted to do so in 2003 when another crisis mounted on the Korean Peninsula.
The only reason the two former Pentagon officials could adduce, nine years
later, that the North "must not be allowed to produce a series of nuclear
bombs" was that "nuclear weapons might embolden [North Korea] to
believe it could scare away the United States from defending the South, making
war more likely." That was a repetition of Gallucci's "Model
Two" argument, which of course depended entirely on how easily the United
States, a superpower with more than ten thousand nuclear weapons in its
arsenal, could be intimidated.[2]<span style="color: red;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It
might be safe to assume that it was this calculus of deterrence that eventually
led American leaders to come to their senses. The American president knew that the
North Korean leader knew that North Korea would be hit with massive counter-strikes
if it ever attacked with a nuclear weapon. Assuming that everyone was being kept in
check was a much better option than an all-out war that would destroy Seoul
(with conventional bombardment) and possibly lead to a regional conflagration.
In spite of the need to talk tough for domestic audiences, the leaders of the
US and neighboring nations had to tacitly concede that North Korea’s arsenal
would be the same minimal deterrent that other nuclear-armed nations claimed
rights to. For some reason it was alright to bomb Iraq back to the Stone Age, because
oil and other issues were in play, but no one wanted to launch a purely
pre-emptive adventure in Northeast Asia so close to friendly allies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
passage above also contains a curious mention of the magical elimination of
plutonium in a bombing raid. Rhodes wrote, “If they bombed the reactor or
bombed the reprocessing facility or bombed the spent fuel pool they would
destroy the fuel rods, and the plutonium would be gone.” That’s right: “the
plutonium would be gone,” apparently. This obliviousness to extreme ecological
hazards is on display in many studies that are focused on high-level strategic
planning and the drama of executive level debates about nuclear strategies. They
don’t discuss the plight of uranium miners, nuclear veterans, nuclear workers,
or victims of nuclear testing. They ignore the radiological contamination that
would follow from pre-emptive strikes on nuclear facilities, or from strikes on
nuclear power plants.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; text-indent: 14.2pt;"> While political leaders were aware of the eternal
ecological disaster caused by Chernobyl, they continued to talk glibly of
shooting down missiles armed with nuclear warheads, striking nuclear missile
silos, or bombing nuclear facilities before they produced nuclear weapons, as
if the scattering of plutonium and uranium, as well as various other bomb
ingredients, wouldn’t lead to widespread global contamination. Everyone thinks
that plutonium would just “be gone.” Rhodes himself, in spite of having
written four excellent books about the nuclear age and advocating strongly for
nuclear disarmament, paid very little attention to the issue of the ecological contamination
that occurs just in making, testing and possessing bombs, and in the bombing
operations aimed at preventing the “bad guys” from getting them. </span><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-indent: 14.2pt;">Twilight of the Bombs </i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; text-indent: 14.2pt;">contains a brief
mention of environmental hazards in only one paragraph of the book.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In
recent months there has been much talk of President Obama having floated the
idea of the US adopting a no-first-use, or no-first-strike (the two terms are
not equal), nuclear doctrine. He received little support within the American
government, or from allies under the nuclear umbrella. The reaction showed that
if “no-first-use/strike” had ever been the policy, nuclear arsenals may never
have been appealing. Declaring no first use eliminates many of the useful
purposes nuclear weapons can fulfill, short of dropping bombs on cities. An
ambiguous policy is useful in itself, as it is good to keep adversaries
guessing, but there are also some unusual and unexpected ways nuclear weapons
could be used. <i>Twilight of the Bombs</i>
contains an obscure anecdote that highlights one of the many ways military
strategists could use nuclear weapons for some purpose besides destroying buildings
and people: </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On
2 August [1990] the second day of the Iraqi invasion [of Kuwait], [General] Norman
Schwarzkopf had mused aloud that his science adviser should investigate the
feasibility of exploding a nuclear weapon in a high-altitude airburst over Iraq
at the outset of a war to generate an electromagnetic pulse to short out Iraqi
communications and missile launch controls. The Joint Chiefs would soon decide
not to move nuclear weapons into the Persian Gulf, writes the intelligence
analyst William Arkin—in any case, there were nuclear bombs stored at an
American air base in southern Turkey, well within range of Baghdad—“but a
variety of military organizations quietly began to examine nuclear options. Led
by the ‘special weapons branch’ in the Operations Directorate and the office of
the Scientific Advisor at Schwarzkopf’s headquarters, the Army staff, Defense
Nuclear Agency (DNA), Strategic Air Command (SAC) and the Department of
Energy’s national laboratories all contributed proposals.”[3]<span style="color: red;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If
a high-altitude nuclear airburst could seem like a reasonable thing to do just
because it wouldn’t kill people or destroy cities, then it is easy to imagine other “tolerable”
uses of nuclear weapons. They could be used for the purpose of geoengineering to
open up or close routes of navigation in enemy territory, or to poison a water or
food supply. A very low-yield detonation, appearing not much larger than that of a
conventional bomb, might be useful in certain circumstances. One can easily
find corners of the internet where there is talk of such weapons having already
been used.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There
is a certain complacency in the world that has come from knowing that nuclear
weapons have never been used in wartime since 1945. We like to think there is a
thick red line that no one would dare cross, but these unconventional and
unexpected uses of nuclear weapons raise new questions. Why did we think
nuclear testing wasn’t an abominable crime? What are the rules, and who decides
what event would be the crossing of that line? It is difficult to say that a
low-yield detonation or a high-altitude airburst would be worse than the scattering
of depleted uranium all over Iraq that has actually occurred. The international
community should already be outraged enough to ban these weapons, but the
tolerance we have shown so far indicates that we might tolerate worse things yet
to come. We used to care, but things have changed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Notes<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[1] </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif";">Richard Rhodes, <i>Arsenals
of Folly: The Making of the Nuclear Arms Race</i> (New York: Vintage, 2007), 268.</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[2] Richard Rhodes, <i>The Twilight of the Bombs: Recent
Challenges, New Dangers, and the Prospect of a World without Nuclear Weapons</i>
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010), 195-196.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[3] Ibid, 30.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-44509152187187418372016-10-02T18:28:00.000+09:002017-03-26T16:25:21.635+09:00From the Reykjavik Summit to the Soviet breakup, to the New Cold War: Where Are We Now?<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">That was then</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">That was then</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: JA;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">October 11-12, 1986, Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev met
in Iceland for the Reykjavik Summit of. The standard narrative of the event,
established mostly by its participants, tells a tale of diplomatic heroism that
failed in the short-term but was soon understood as a heroic breakthrough on
the way to the tremendous nuclear arms reductions that followed over the next
decade. While these changes were underway, Gorbachev avoided the temptation to
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEieq48kv7Hcv9kMe01oPVUzXl3PHAbdN7MOn26fWmmCP5y6x9QiWp362PzURQ87EDEl1BPB-2oQMFFNiBKgtNER_zfEDZKbovc_wAAYx2PWixghN7xILt3e83x77Uv5wYK7qmPx9oMof4k/s1600/Iceland-03.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="123" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEieq48kv7Hcv9kMe01oPVUzXl3PHAbdN7MOn26fWmmCP5y6x9QiWp362PzURQ87EDEl1BPB-2oQMFFNiBKgtNER_zfEDZKbovc_wAAYx2PWixghN7xILt3e83x77Uv5wYK7qmPx9oMof4k/s400/Iceland-03.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Gorbachev suggested Iceland as a symbolic “meeting you halfway” <br />
point between Washington and Moscow.</td></tr>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In the fall of 2016, there were commemorations in the media
of the thirty years since the Reykjavik Summit, and others marking the quarter
century since the Soviet Union dissolved on December 25, 1991, but many of
these skipped over the wider picture of the Cold War’s denouement. Though there
was much to applaud in the steps the Reagan administration took to make the
world safer from nuclear war, a commemoration of the 1980s disarmament summits
must also include the more unsavory record of the era in domains not related to
strategic weapons.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiItXSRj-8-lefShnGL_LwkkDjV5xKRGl3W-4cY9yX6WxTJ0sL7H6Nhj69AGaXzbNlCx7UiUnkxt2zFbFv6JN2j-068eb2A1V_v0N4aiaMeNeU90yGNjqr7JeJIox5jWx6kxZqwjUncSYk/s1600/reykjavik-start.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="236" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiItXSRj-8-lefShnGL_LwkkDjV5xKRGl3W-4cY9yX6WxTJ0sL7H6Nhj69AGaXzbNlCx7UiUnkxt2zFbFv6JN2j-068eb2A1V_v0N4aiaMeNeU90yGNjqr7JeJIox5jWx6kxZqwjUncSYk/s320/reykjavik-start.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #a7a3a3; font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">The Reykjavit Summit started much better than it ended.</span></td></tr>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A standard synopsis of the Reykjavit
Summit can be found in<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="https://wn.com/reykjavik_summit"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">WorldNews Network’s Reykjavit Summit
archive</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">On October
11, 1986, …the leaders of the world’s two superpowers met at the stark and
picturesque Hofdi House in Reykjavik, Iceland. Secretary General Mikhail
Gorbachev had proposed the meeting to President Ronald Reagan less than thirty
days before. The expectations for the summit at Reykjavik were low. Reagan and
Gorbachev had established a personal relationship just one year before at their
Geneva Summit. In Geneva they attempted to reach agreement on bilateral nuclear
arms reductions… Both leaders hoped a face to face meeting at Reykjavik might
revive the negotiations. The talks between Reagan and Gorbachev at Reykjavik
proceeded at a breakneck pace... A proposal to eliminate all new strategic
missiles grew into a discussion, for the first time in history, of the real
possibility of eliminating nuclear weapons forever. Aides to both leaders were
shocked by the pace of the discussions. A summit that began with low
expectations had blossomed into one of the most dramatic and potentially
productive summits of all time… But one point of contention remained. Reagan
was committed to see his Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) to completion.
Gorbachev, fearing an imbalance of power, was equally determined to make sure
SDI would never be implemented. Reagan offered assurances to Gorbachev that the
missile defense shield… was being developed not to gain an advantage, but to
offer safety against accidents or outlaw nations. Reagan offered many times to
share this technology with the Soviets, which Gorbachev refused to believe…
Gorbachev would accept continued development of SDI as long as testing was
confined to the laboratory for the next ten years. Reagan would not agree...
Despite failing… Reykjavik will be recorded as one of the most important
summits in history. A year after Reykjavik the U.S. and Soviet Union signed the
Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF), for the first time eliminating
an entire class of nuclear weapons. The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START)
was signed a few years later during President H.W. Bush’s term. None of this
progress would have been possible without the courage of two leaders to look
beyond past hostilities and forge a new and lasting relationship...</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[1]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The bromance<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Other retrospectives of the 1980s summits described the two
leaders as romantics, provincials, and establishment outsiders who rose to
power against all odds and were thus able to dream big and achieve what urban
elites and sophisticated insiders would never even dare attempt. Indeed it
might be helpful to think of the Reykjavik Summit as a specimen of another
global menace of the 1980s: the romantic comedy. The story of Ron and Mikhail
involves a wacky, mismatched pair who meet up for a dreamy arctic escape, far
from the naysayers in Washington and Moscow who would deny them their vision of
a nuclear free world. Through the series of summits they had during the late
1980s, the story followed the standard romcom formula (bromance-comedy?
bromcom?). They recoiled from each other at first, antagonized each other
through Act I and Act II, then grew close in Act III as they came to the end of
the their shared political destiny. Or perhaps it’s better to call it a
buddy/road movie. Instead of<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Trains, Planes and Automobiles</i>,
think of it as<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Missiles,
Bombers and Submarines</i>. Whatever the correct genre might be, they fought
against the opposition of their inner circles, and in spite of the oil-on-water
incompatibility of their personalities and intellects, against all odds they
triumphed in the end. So the story goes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“But where is the comedy?” you ask. What’s so funny about
nuclear disarmament, or peace, love and understanding? First of all, they
talked seriously about reducing their arsenals completely while they imagined
Britain, China, France, India and Israel would naturally follow their lead, and
they were oblivious to the ongoing plans of Iraq, North Korea, South Africa and
Pakistan to become nuclear powers. Somehow it would all just sort itself out.
They really got ahead of themselves when they were far away from the madding
crowd for this crazy weekend in the far northern latitudes of Iceland.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Throughout the weekend Reagan cracked corny jokes with his
team to break the tension, but there was always something a little
condescending in the way his inner circle would indulge his sense of humor. One
of the unspoken truths held by Reagan administration staff was that the
president’s knowledge of history and world affairs was so thin that the
presidency was essentially a regency, with dozens of Cardinal Richelieus vying
for influence in the void. Reagan wouldn’t read briefing documents, so the CIA
had to make films produced at the level of a middle school documentary to
prepare him for trips abroad. (See<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ha7fOVeKjDQ"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">this video</span></a></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">of the 1988 Moscow Summit briefing). When Reagan cracked his
jokes, everyone laughed with him. When he was out of the room, they mocked him
and worried about his quixotic quest for a nuclear free world. In fact, he was
a little like Sancho Panza in a chapter of<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Don Quixote</i><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>in
which he was<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>set
up “in a governor’s chair” for the<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>amusement<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>of
the Washington nobility.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
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<!--StartFragment-->
<!--EndFragment--><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">At one point during the weekend in Reykjavik, the American
team had to huddle for privacy in a small bathroom of the venue (Hofdi House),
with two advisors standing in the bathtub and the regent king “on the throne.”
Another huddle was done at the American embassy under a small plexiglas dome
that shielded the team from radio waves. Yes, that Cone of Silence in the old<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Get
Smart</i><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>television
comedy was based on a real thing. Every embassy had one.</span></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj609xjN05C2F8EGVueg-CSXsicbDV5vkusMzfru_CMpaZxrvZYr3okb1x9QDYEt4CAkXL7yMcTNopTdPIzW-rwBDMLADnlEISF-o-jVLDFnxGQkpSA9MgzqQXJivQR-FlLUuh0bPffCp4/s1600/cone-of-silence_main.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="250" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj609xjN05C2F8EGVueg-CSXsicbDV5vkusMzfru_CMpaZxrvZYr3okb1x9QDYEt4CAkXL7yMcTNopTdPIzW-rwBDMLADnlEISF-o-jVLDFnxGQkpSA9MgzqQXJivQR-FlLUuh0bPffCp4/s400/cone-of-silence_main.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #a7a3a3; font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">The Cone of Silence was a running joke in the 1960s TV series Get Smart, <br />but Reagan and his team huddled under something similar during a break at the Reykjavit Summit.</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Perhaps the romcom metaphor doesn’t pay due respect to the
high drama of the occasion. We could also say the story contained all the best
elements of Shakespeare: comedy, romance, history and tragedy. All that was
missing was the bawdy humor, as the puns would have been lost in the
simultaneous translation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The summit, which was supposed to have been just a preparatory
“base camp” on the way to a later summit, hinged on, and failed because of, the
American insistence on continuing development of space-based defense, or the
Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI, also known as Star Wars). The Soviets had
come with a compromise offer. Both sides would completely eliminate nuclear
weapons by the end of the century, but SDI would have to be confined to the
laboratory for at least ten years. The Americans refused, and the dream of
nuclear abolition failed because of this one point on which neither side would
yield. It was only after they returned to Moscow that Gorbachev and his
advisors remembered that they had a space station already aloft that was called
a “space lab,” which meant that by definition “testing in the lab” could be
testing in space just as the Americans had wanted. They went back to the
Americans with new concessions and negotiated arms reduction treaties, signed
in December 1987, to eliminate short and medium range missiles in Europe.
Reductions in long range missiles and tactical (battlefield) weapons followed
during the presidency of George Bush senior (1989-1992). These steps never led
to the total elimination of nuclear weapons, but they defused the Cold War in
Europe, especially since they were followed by massive reductions in
conventional forces and the independence of the Warsaw Pact nations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Throughout the arms negotiations of the mid-1980s it was
Gorbachev who came wooing, showing more ardor because of his greater need to
save the Soviet Union by scaling back the costs of the military industry.
Meanwhile, Reagan was surrounded by the anti-communist hardliners of the
Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), thirty-one of whom he had appointed to
his administration. Some of them continued to serve in the administration of
Bush the Elder, laid low during the Clinton presidency, then returned<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>en
force</i><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>during
the terms of Bush the Younger with a new acronym, perhaps to not remind some of
the aging members of cardio-pulmonary disease: Project for a New American
Century (PNAC). The CPD cautioned Reagan not to “give away the store” in
negotiations with Gorbachev, and many were opposed to the president’s dreamy
ambition to rid the world of nuclear weapons. Some of them wanted no reductions
at all.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reagan himself had said in speeches earlier in his career
that he held no illusions about a peaceful convergence between the American and
Soviet systems, a change that would require “that we whittle the back edge of
our heels round.” [2] He often used this expression “round-heeled,” which was a
term of his generation to refer to a woman who could be put on her back easily.
For Reagan at Reykjavik this meant not giving up the SDI, and not agreeing to
any cuts in forces that would leave America and NATO open to Soviet aggression.
The hardliners always warned that this peace offensive by Gorbachev might have
been just a deception, or they feared that he would soon be replaced by
hardliners who would renege on everything. Dick Cheney was one of the people
who held onto this view right up until Gorbachev announced the collapse of the
Soviet Union on December 25, 1991. He and George H.W. Bush never saw it coming,
apparently, although it was obvious to most observers that things were
unraveling quickly after the thwarted coup of August 1991. Bush seemed to
believe the union would hold together, and feared the instability that would
follow. In a 1991 statement that seems highly ironic now, after the US actively
assisted a Ukrainian extremist overthrow the pro-Russian government of Ukraine
in 2014, President Bush cautioned the republics against having high
expectations of a better life as independent nations. The contrast says much
about the recklessness of contemporary US adventurism:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 28.25pt; mso-para-margin-left: 2.57gd;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Freedom is not the same as
independence. Americans will not support those who seek independence in order
to replace a far-off tyranny with a local despotism. They will not aid those
who promote a suicidal nationalism based upon ethnic hatred.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[3]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">During the autumn of 1991, US Senator Sam Nunn knew the end
was near for the Soviet Union. He had visited Russia recently and seen the
military shifting its allegiance to Yeltsin’s Russia. Suddenly, no one was
speaking of the Soviet Union but rather of fascinating changes taking place “in
Russia.” Nunn fought for $1 billion in US food and financial aid to ensure
stability and a smooth transfer of control of the nuclear arsenal as the
republics declared independence. [4] Even Richard Nixon wrote a memo to the
president (leaked to the press) in March 1992 about the danger of losing Russia
to a catastrophe that would put it beyond the reach of American influence.
Instead of meaningful assistance, Russia was soon treated to a decade of
economic shock therapy via the IMF and World Bank’s standard austerity
prescriptions, which coincided with the corrupt privatization of state
property.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-outline-level: 1;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reagan’s evolution<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reagan began his presidency in 1981 by ending the détente
process begun by President Nixon. He wanted a nuclear free world, but didn’t
speak much of it during these first years when he wanted to establish a
position of strength from which to negotiate. He terrified the Soviet
leadership by accusing them of leading an “evil empire” bent on world
domination, and by drastically increasing military spending. He began a program
of random and unpredictable near-incursions of Soviet air space, which made
Soviet leaders and military planners jumpy and confused about American
intentions. These incursions played a role in famous Korean Airlines incident
in September 1983 in which a Soviet fighter jet shot down a passenger airliner
that had flown off course into Soviet airspace.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Just a few weeks later, at the end of September, a false
alarm indicated to a Soviet early warning center that five American nuclear
missiles had been launched toward the Soviet Union. According to protocol,
officer Stanislav Petrov should have reported the incident so that the Soviet
leadership could decide whether to launch on warning (before confirming nuclear
explosions), but he went with his feeling that it must be an error (which it
was) because the detection system was new and flawed, and he knew a first
strike would involve more than just five missiles.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">During this tense period, Reagan’s tough talk came close to
making the Soviets fear that NATO’s Able Archer drill of November 1983 was a
little too realistic. One of the imagined scenarios for the launch of a first
strike had always been that the enemy would conceal it within an apparent
drill. Fearing a first strike was imminent, the Soviet side almost launched one
of their own. Reagan later realized, belatedly, that he might have gone too
far. Filmmaker Oliver Stone described the change in his thinking in<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The
Untold History of the United States</i>:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Despite all his bluster, Reagan
too feared the possibility of war which he associated with the biblical
Armageddon. After watching the enormously popular 1983 ABC TV movie <i>The Day
After</i>, Reagan wrote in his diary that it “left me very depressed.”</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"> </span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Reagan began to rethink his
approach to the Soviet union. He later wrote in his memoirs: “Three years had
taught me something surprising about the Russians. Many were genuinely afraid
of America and Americans.” Incredibly, if this diary is to be believed, it had
never dawned on president Reagan that the Soviets might indeed fear a US first
strike.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[5]<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reagan had viewed<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The Day After</i>, a graphic
depiction of the effects of total nuclear war on Lawrence, Kanas, a month
before the American public saw it. It was ironic that the terrified public was
never informed at the time about how high tensions were that autumn. It was
only later revealed that there had been the two close calls mentioned above.
While Reagan felt depressed by<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The Day After</i>, for others in the
administration the broadcast of the film was a public relations nightmare. A
line-up of conservative experts had been readied for a televised panel
discussion after the showing in order to manage the public reaction. Physicist
Carl Sagan was the only person called upon to represent the voices of the
anti-nuclear movement. (See<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="https://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2016/08/lessons-from-day-after-for-new-cold.html"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">the previous
post about</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: windowtext; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"> </span></span><i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Day After</span></i></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">). Nonetheless, the strange series of events in 1983 had
changed Reagan and changed the game. He started to look for a channel of
communication with the Soviet leadership, but it was hard to make progress
because Soviet leaders were ill and dying in quick succession. Brezhnev,
Andropov and Chernenko died between November 1982 and March 1985.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When Gorbachev rose to power in March 1985, he took the
initiative to start meaningful disarmament talks, beginning with the 1985
Geneva Summit. The next year at Reykjavik, the possibility of a nuclear free
world was dashed only because of disagreement over SDI, and this turned out to
be the tragi-comic core of the Reykjavik narrative. In retrospect, it proved to
be much ado about nothing. Soon after the summit, news of the Iran-Contra
scandal broke, and Reagan was politically crippled afterwards. Support for SDI
dried up in the US Congress and nothing ever came of it. Critics had always
pointed out that it was a chimera. Perhaps the Soviets had been fools, too, for
having been seriously afraid of it. They could have indulged the Americans in
their fantasy and let America go broke trying to build it. They forgot the old
saying “never interrupt an enemy when he is making a mistake.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reagan held so fast to SDI because it would provide a
simple, happy ending to his political career, which he seemed to view like a
story arc in one of his Hollywood movies. He would make the world safe once and
for all by giving it a system that could shoot down any nuclear missile
launched by any rogue element in the peaceful world system, a little bit like
the inter-planetary enforcer in<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The Day the Earth Stood Still</i>—the
1951 science fiction film he often cited as a favorite that inspired his
pursuit of world peace.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Faith in SDI required one to ignore the fact any
anti-missile system could be defeated, that some missiles would always get
through. Furthermore, there were other ways besides missiles to deliver nuclear
weapons. Reagan promised to share the technology with the Soviet Union and all other
peace-loving allies. He insisted it was just for defense against “madmen,”
assuming there would be some way of knowing who was a madman in all future
world conflicts. He didn’t understand why anyone would oppose SDI if they were
planning on getting rid of all their nuclear weapons anyway. Gorbachev thought
it was preposterous to suggest that the Americans would willingly share a
technology that had cost hundreds of billions of dollars to develop. He pointed
out that they didn’t share even basic industrial technology with the USSR. Many
in the Reagan administration agreed that the idea of sharing was absurd, and
they wished Reagan hadn’t mentioned it during the negotiations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The American side also refused to acknowledge the fear that
they would have had if an adversary had been developing space-based defenses.
Missile defense systems can be used in a “layered” attack in which the side
with the missile defense system can be the aggressor, launching a first strike
then hitting the enemy’s retaliatory strike with the missile defense system.
Reagan knew that the Soviets had this concern, but he begged Gorbachev to
understand they were declaring peaceful intent, and now that they were friends,
wasn’t that good enough? He was asking Gorbachev to trust now but not be able
to verify future American intent. For Gorbachev, it was an absurd request and
he was stunned that Reagan could not understand why. In the present age, China
and Russia are making the same protests to America about its ground-based
missile defense systems stationed in South Korea and Romania.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On other points the Americans were equally illogical.
Richard Perle, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Global Strategic Affairs,
claimed that the nuclear warheads on American bombers shouldn’t be counted in
the negotiations because the Soviet air defenses were supposedly impenetrable.
He didn’t seem to see the logical implication that if this were true, this leg
of the nuclear triad was unnecessary and a colossal waste of money. In May
1987, German teenager Matthias Rust landed a single-engine Cessna in Red
Square, proving something about the invincibility of Soviet air defenses.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhQPJCXL_ZkPkFLRgiy46lJq1MXScJNQszolEyF5EoElCuGCLQLKPpotU6A1mcSUx4QufMViVGdDTTWHwX2t_h07qbVRXzbnbbm5MfprV88cl52t80FL_UpR6hiXIs0gAN2tMPiA9NChcM/s1600/reykjavik-exit.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhQPJCXL_ZkPkFLRgiy46lJq1MXScJNQszolEyF5EoElCuGCLQLKPpotU6A1mcSUx4QufMViVGdDTTWHwX2t_h07qbVRXzbnbbm5MfprV88cl52t80FL_UpR6hiXIs0gAN2tMPiA9NChcM/s320/reykjavik-exit.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #a7a3a3; font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">Grim faces all around at the end of the Reykjavik Summit.</span></td></tr>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Both leaders finished the Reykjavik talks feeling betrayed
and angry. Bitter words were spoken at the end and the two men walked out silently,
trying to put on a brave face for the media, but to no avail. Reagan had spoken
earlier of wanting to get away early so he would be home for dinner, so he
drove off to the embassy without meeting the press. Gorbachev, the communist,
demonstrated better Madison Avenue skills. He headed over to the building where
hundreds of journalists were waiting and, during the walk, had time to master
his emotions and think of a way to spin the outcome as a victory with words
that were met with thunderous applause:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">In spite of all its drama,
Reykjavik is not a failure—it is a breakthrough, which allowed us for the first
time to look over the horizon.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[6]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Challenging the Heroic Narrative<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Most histories of Reykjavik and other disarmament summits
glorify and accept the premises of how these events should occur, who should
lead them, and who should have a say in them. Yet the United States and the
Soviet Union were, after all, the perpetrators of the crime. Why should they be
judge, prosecutor and enforcer, and take up the case only at their own leisure?
It would be better to think of them as two criminal syndicates whose interest
in peace arose only from a mutual need to cut losses in a long war of
attrition. To the extent that a moral imperative is involved, the community of
nations had to wait until the criminals decided to act on one.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Humanity has been slow to look at nuclear abolition this
way, but the development, testing and possession of nuclear weapons needs to be
seen as a crime against humanity and against the ecosystem. Great enduring harm
has been done in places such as Hanford, French Polynesia, Mayak and
Semipalatinsk, just to name a few examples where nuclear bomb manufacture and
testing took place. This damage already inflicted is in addition to the
reckless endangerment of risking the outbreak of full nuclear war.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It is difficult to imagine who would adjudicate in a legal
process that indicts the nuclear powers because there would have to be a force
in the world that could subordinate a nuclear power. Do they have nuclear
weapons because they were powerful enough to obtain them, or are they powerful
because they have nuclear weapons? Are nuclear arsenals the currency of power,
a kind of reserve currency that underpins the global order? (A question that
cynically raises another question: whether we should forget about going back to
the gold standard and instead peg a global currency to the plutonium standard.)
If it is so, how do we bring nuclear powers to justice? My romantic vision for
a path to a world free of nuclear weapons is to suggest that the non-nuclear
armed nations should be able to prosecute the nuclear-armed nations and force
them to disarm. They are the rogue nations, the axis of evil, and those nations
who don’t help in bringing them to justice are abetting them. To adapt the
famous Bushism, we could say, “You are either with us or you’re with the
nuclearists.” Recapturing the spirit of Reykjavik—a time when the two
superpowers at least looked over the horizon and seriously talked about total
abolition—might be a way to start, but a totally new kind of
international forum has to be invented, and it should resemble a tribunal more
than a summit. Or, at the very least, nuclear disarmament should be an
arbitration process with a neutral third party forcing the perpetrators to
undergo psychological counselling and resolve the terror they have inflicted on
the world.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Few accounts of the summits discuss the way that they paved
the way for the darker days that followed. The optimistic narrative is rarely
critically examined. The Reagan administration staff denied that there was any
plot to drive the Soviet Union into bankruptcy by outspending it on SDI and
other military projects. Such a motive would be difficult to prove, but the
dire situation of the USSR was understood by all, no matter how much effort was
put into stoking fears in the public of a mighty communist foe that was always
on the verge of gaining the strategic advantage.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Since the 1970s there had been growing speculation about an imminent
collapse of the Soviet system. By the mid-1970s, Americans were well aware that
they were keeping the USSR fed by sending wheat to it every year, then oil
prices crashed in the 1980s, further limiting the source of income that was
needed to keep the economy afloat. The war in Afghanistan and the Chernobyl
catastrophe had burdened the economy further and deepened public cynicism
beyond repair. In<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Arsenals
of Folly</i>, Richard Rhodes describes how in 1976 one demographer predicted
both the timing and the way the USSR would collapse:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">The boldest prediction of
impending Soviet collapse during this period… was the work of a… French
historical demographer named Emmanuel Todd… in a book entitled The Final Fall,
published in France in 1976… Unfortunately, almost without exception,
professional Sovietologists—Richard Pipes [of the CPD] was a typical
specimen—were the last to recognize the decline and fall of the political
system on whose leviathan enigmas they had built their careers. The reviewers
praised Todd’s innovative approach, but his prediction of impending Soviet
collapse was dismissed as a “penchant for dramatic prophesying”… Todd
dramatically—but also accurately—prophesied on the opening page of his book,
“In ten, twenty or thirty years, an astonished world will be witness to the
dissolution or the collapse of this, the first of the Communist systems.” …The
perspicacious young Frenchman doubted that the Soviet regime would “suffer a
violent upheaval.” Its organization protected it from mass uprisings, and the
West was intervening to protect it from famine. Astonishingly, he thought, “the
successive or simultaneous breaking away of the [East European] satellites
should soon be accepted by the Kremlin without too much fuss” … Soviet reform
would have to be intelligently executed. The situation in which the USSR finds
itself is so implausible and tangled that it would require perfect mastery on
the part of a solidly established ruling class… Let’s pray for a uniformly
intelligent Politburo in the years to come.” It mattered greatly whether the US
government believed the Soviet Union to be an expanding or a declining power</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. [7]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">All of this was known, or should have been known, by the
CIA, if the agency had not been purged of analysts who could do objective work.
Many of these signals were missed because, as in the hunt for weapons of mass
destruction in Iraq in 2002-2003, ideology was dictating the information that
would be selected by the administration. At the very least, however, the
Americans knew that Gorbachev came to Reykjavik more anxious than they to make
a deal that would cut military spending. The Americans could wait, but he
couldn’t. At the first Politburo meeting after the summit, Gorbachev complained
that the Americans were indeed trying to bleed them dry:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 27.85pt; mso-para-margin-left: 2.53gd; text-indent: .05pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">It is [the
belief] that the US might exhaust us economically via an arms race, create
obstacles for Gorbachev and for the entire Soviet leadership, undermine its
plans for resolving economic and social problems and thereby provoke
discontent. Moreover, in this way they hope to limit the possibilities for
Soviet economic ties with the developing countries, to create a situation where
those countries would be forced to come bowing to the United States. Finally,
their mistake is in thinking that with the help of the SDI they could undermine
the [strategic] parity and achieve military superiority.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[8]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">To some degree, these complaints must have been the
necessary bluster that Gorbachev had to demonstrate before the Politburo, but
it reveals a side of him that he toned down in the West, where he had become a
celebrity. Gorbachev was an enigma in those days. Did the celebrity status go
to his head, or was it a conscious ruse he engaged in to make perestroika
succeed? Nonetheless, it was jarring for the world to hear him say he had
become “friends” with such people as Margaret Thatcher, which made him a friend
of a friend of Chilean fascist dictator Augusto Pinochet. While he was cutting
ties with Angola and Cuba and halting all talk of supporting socialism in the
world, here in front of the Politburo he spoke about Reagan like an unreformed
Marxist:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 28.25pt; mso-para-margin-left: 2.57gd;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">… we had to wage a struggle in
Reykjavik not only with the class enemy, but also with such a representative of
our class enemy, who exhibited extreme primitivism, a caveman outlook and
intellectual impotence.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[9]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">His mention of developing countries in the Politburo meeting
is interesting because during the Reykjavik summit Reagan pushed him hard on
human rights, and several concessions were made in order to make progress in
disarmament talks. Unfortunately, Gorbachev was not in a position from which he
could push back. Gorbachev freed the dissident scientist Andrei Sakharov under
pressure from Reagan, but the American dissident Noam Chomsky (not living in a
gulag but shut out of establishment media) could have supplied him with copious
notes on American-sponsored atrocities in East Timor and Central America. [10]
Gorbachev could not have been uninformed on these aspects of American foreign
policy, but he knew but couldn’t make them an issue in these negotiations. Many
years later, Fidel Castro said about Gorbachev’s 1989 visit to Cuba:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">I told him that the USSR had to
broaden its relations with all the political forces and to that end, I advised
him to hold a meeting with the revolutionary, progressive, and democratic
forces, and I think he accepted my suggestion.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[11]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As much as Gorbachev may have agreed with Castro, the
historical record shows that the Soviet Union and Russia were never again able
to support revolutionary, progressive, and democratic forces not aligned with
Western interests. This is the tragedy of the end days of the Soviet Union, the
corner that Gorbachev had painted himself into with the pursuit of perestroika
and nuclear arms agreements with America. He would be accused of betraying the
developing world. Many scholars have insisted that Gorbachev was the reckless
destroyer of the Soviet socialist experiment. They argue that the economic
crisis was not as dire as stated in the standard narrative, and that the union
could have been held together by a leader with a stronger grip on the second
economy (the illegal black market) and separatist forces. [12] Fidel Castro
perhaps made the most concise assessment of the Soviet demise when he
concluded, “Socialism did not die from natural causes: it was a suicide.” [13] Others,
including Gorbachev in his memoirs, would blame Yeltsin and all those who
hijacked perestroika,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>looted
public assets<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>(“grab-it-ization”),<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>stoked
false hopes in the republics of the union for a better future as independent
nations, and condemned Russia in the 1990s to Western economic shock therapy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gorbachev could have stood up for the Third World, if he had
had some leverage, but he had little, and the Americans knew it. It would have
been nice if he could have reminded Reagan of his words in the “evil empire” [14]
speech regarding racial equality, that what was “once a source of disunity and
civil war, is now a point of pride for all Americans.” Apartheid in South
Africa would have ended sooner if America had stopped supporting South Africa’s
war against Angola. Gorbachev also never challenged the American understanding
of Soviet involvement in Afghanistan. He could have done more to defend how the
Soviet Union got involved there reluctantly, not for world conquest but because
it feared the destabilizing effects of the Iranian revolution rippling into
other Islamic regions. He could have cautioned Americans about the blowback
that would come from arming the Mujahidin and Osama bin Laden.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Today, the popular narrative about the Reagan years ignores
these issues. The story goes that that he ended or “won” the Cold War, while
the brutal crimes of the regimes supported by America in the 1980s are stories
told in the margins. In the report about the Reykjavik Summit issued by Hoover
Press in 2007, Reagan’s Secretary of State, George Shultz, the editor, put on
the cover the line “a key lesson learned at Reykjavik: the importance of
negotiating with enemies.” [15] Shultz is one of the heroes of the arms
reduction success story. He wasn’t one of the extremists in the CPD, and he
managed to deflect the influence of those who wanted to sabotage any deal on
strategic arms reductions. He formed a personal bond with Gorbachev and his
counterpart, Soviet foreign minister Eduard Shevardnadze. However, the heroic
narrative omits that he adamantly refused to negotiate with Daniel Ortega’s
government in Nicaragua, and he supported violent overthrow of it, calling it
“a cancer, right here on our land mass.” [16] He supported all of the foreign policy
that sought to suppress the developing world’s independence and control of its
own resources. The line on the book cover should really be this: the importance
of negotiating with enemies, if they have the power to annihilate you.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This comparison of the two facets of Shultz’s achievements
points to the fact that there is a certain amount of reputation polishing among
the elder statesmen who focus on their achievements in nuclear disarmament,
which is uncontroversially seen by almost everyone as a good thing. On the
other hand, they don’t talk so loud and don’t seem so proud of their war crimes
in Central America. There are no books written in retirement about that, no
nostalgic visits with Gorbachev to talk about what was done there. Let us never
say that nuclear arsenals are useless because one of their unacknowledged
functions is that they provide great leverage and distraction in negotiations
with adversaries, and they create the need to always prioritize discussions
about their elimination. As a bonus, when reductions are achieved, they polish
the image of those who sign the deals. Lesser priorities such as the right to
self-determination and control of national resources can be endlessly ignored
while serious men talk the talk of dealing with “the existential threat” but do
not walk the walk of actually eliminating it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-outline-level: 1;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This is now<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As Russians now assess the world events that have occurred
since 1986, they have taken a lesson from Gorbachev’s experience in negotiating
with enemies from a position of weakness. Since the early 1990s, Gorbachev has
denounced the new world order led by a single superpower, the betrayal of the
promise not to expand NATO eastward, and the quick resort to military force as
a solution to all global disputes. Vladimir Putin, as well as many Russian
citizens, have perhaps come around to agreeing with Ronald Reagan’s words in
the “Evil Empire” speech of 1983: “Simple-minded appeasement or wishful
thinking about our adversaries is folly… they sometimes speak in soothing tones
of brotherhood and peace” but “the only morality they recognize is that which
will further their cause… morality is entirely subordinate to the interests…
and everything is moral that is necessary for the annihilation of…” resistance
to the American Empire. Reagan was speaking of his fear of Marxist world
revolution, but now his words can be turned back on him, to a nation that, after
2001 especially, reverted to an extreme emphasis on supremacy rather than on
common security.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As we look backward over the horizon to the Reykjavik
Summit, there is a dismal reckoning to be made of the opportunities lost. In
the early 21st century, the US went back to where it was in the early 1980s,
reviving missile defense and continuing with standard nuclear doctrine, then it
made things even worse by creating a bilateral relationship in which a
US-Russia summit on disarmament would now be unimaginable.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There are fewer nuclear weapons in the world, but that
hardly matters when there are still enough to cause a nuclear holocaust.
Perhaps the reductions were done just to reduce costs and eliminate some of the
redundancy. Far back in 1983, during the panel discussion after<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The
Day After</i>, US General Brent Scowcroft stressed the importance of having an
arsenal that far exceeded what any other country could produce. Otherwise there
would be more “instability” as other countries got the idea that they could
catch up to the superpowers. [17] Thus in 2016 there have been no significant
reductions in twenty years and the US and Russia still have 93% of all the
nuclear weapons in the world. None of the other nuclear-armed nations has shown
interest in disarmament, and it is a dead issue as long as the United States
works to antagonize Russia, remains silent about Israel’s nuclear arsenal, and
wages an illegal war in Syria, demanding absurdly that the government of Syria
stop attempting to gain control over its sovereign territory.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When President Bush II took America out of the ABM Treaty,
then sped up development of missile defense and reverted to the pursuit of
nuclear supremacy, American policy makers were<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>embarking
on<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>the
same erroneous ways<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>that
had been so painfully unlearned by the 1980s. They were once again making the
philosopher’s category mistake of assuming that nuclear explosives, with the
resultant missile defense counter-measures, are military weapons. The problem
posed by nuclear weapons requires a political solution. Richard Rhodes finishes
his book with a paragraph that sums up the fundamental problem:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of figures"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="envelope address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="envelope return"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="footnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="line number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="page number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">The discovery of how to release
nuclear energy… revealed that there was no limit to the amount of energy that
might be packaged into small, portable, and relatively inexpensive weapons;
that there could be no defense against such weapons, each of which could
destroy a city; that therefore a policy of common security in the sort run and
program of abolition in the long run would be necessary to accommodate the new
reality and avoid disaster. Recoiling from such urgencies, which would require
negotiation, compromise, and a measure of humility, we chose instead to distend
ourselves into the largest scorpion in the bottle. Obstinately misreading the
failure of our authoritarian counterpart on the other side of the world, to our
shame and misfortune, we continue to claim an old and derelict sovereignty that
the weapons themselves deny.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[18]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiE04LUtH-qmvYZ3i3CwSafI27cxA6ObHtvzLxMzxlDa6rLIxlMGa9ftvMx7Rqsy6WKKcYkzvhG0iGCodWso5ajgzpPETnEOnBWk-FxtUwzma-DnVJJBsUgLsqEtgkZRBj_AtccMY7glmg/s1600/scorpions-in-bottle.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="208" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiE04LUtH-qmvYZ3i3CwSafI27cxA6ObHtvzLxMzxlDa6rLIxlMGa9ftvMx7Rqsy6WKKcYkzvhG0iGCodWso5ajgzpPETnEOnBWk-FxtUwzma-DnVJJBsUgLsqEtgkZRBj_AtccMY7glmg/s320/scorpions-in-bottle.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #a7a3a3; font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">“We may be likened to two scorpions in a bottle, each capable of <br />killing the other, but only at the risk of his own life.” – J. Robert Oppenheimer.</span></td></tr>
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Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov. The points of contention he lists make
for a grim reiteration of everything that was at issue in Reykjavik thirty
years ago, and it is a sad contrast with the WorldNews summary above that
described how in Reykjavik Reagan and Gorbachev managed “to look beyond past
hostilities and forge a new and lasting relationship”:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
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<!--StartFragment-->
<!--EndFragment--><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Without finding a solution to the
missile defense problem, without preventing a new arms race in space and making
the nuclear test ban a universal treaty, without settling the issues connected
with the lack of balance in conventional weapons, the nuclear talks with the
United States are impossible. They know about it. It has been publicly announced
before. NATO members continue to build up their anti-missile potential in
Europe as part of their so-called phased adaptive approach. We have repeatedly
expressed our concern over the placing of strategic infrastructure in the
direct vicinity of our borders as this affects our interests in the security
sphere. Moscow will keep a close watch at the situation and will not cease its
efforts to explain the inevitable and undesirable consequences of the American
project’s realization.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[19]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Afterword: David Bowie’s
</span></b><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QWtsV50_-p4">Where are we now?</a></span></i></b><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiSgS1awsNwJxy5kPPQAOaOqH4ZE3FQw88zGwMlaS3UU0vU3tcprGOGiZ7zsExVRRC32QmL0HHe7PSY-xtgt1pZi2HdlYzg3ssWW4WmiKMz4HWoE1fWBsrD3IrXDcfcKFIE1o2gtpcvAA/s1600/where+are+we+now.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="227" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiSgS1awsNwJxy5kPPQAOaOqH4ZE3FQw88zGwMlaS3UU0vU3tcprGOGiZ7zsExVRRC32QmL0HHe7PSY-xtgt1pZi2HdlYzg3ssWW4WmiKMz4HWoE1fWBsrD3IrXDcfcKFIE1o2gtpcvAA/s400/where+are+we+now.JPG" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></i>
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Twenty thousand people /
Cross Bösebrücke /Fingers are crossed / Just in case / Walking the dead / Where
are we now, where are we now? / The moment you know, you know, you know / As
long as there's sun / As long as there's sun / As long as there's rain / As
long as there's rain / As long as there's fire / As long as there's fire / As
long as there's me / As long as there's you</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The <i>Bösebrücke </i>is<i> </i>the bridge in Berlin that<i> </i>was<i>
</i>the former border crossing between East and West Berlin. 20,000 people
crossed over on November 10, 1989 when it became the first open checkpoint
since 1961. David Bowie’s <i>Where are we now?</i>
is full of obscure references to his personal experiences in Berlin. If you
don’t know Berlin and you weren’t there, it’s hard to relate, but Bowie’s songs
often connected the personal with a concern for the wider world. In the last
verse the references shift from the personal, making the question in the title
about the still fragile peace that has existed since the Berlin Wall came down.
The “me” and “you” in the lyrics may give the impression that this is just a
love song, but they are also an expression of the “common security” that is
discussed throughout the book <i>Arsenals of
Folly</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notes</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[1]<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="https://wn.com/reykjavik_summit"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reykjavik
Summit</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, WorldNews Network, September
7, 2011.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[2] Governors’ conference in 1963, “Are
Liberals Really Liberal?” In Richard Rhodes,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Arsenals of Folly</i>, 260-262.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[3] Richard Rhodes,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The
Twilight of the Bombs: Recent Challenges, New Dangers, and the Prospect of a
World without Nuclear Weapons</i><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010),
106-107.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[4] Richard Rhodes, Ibid, 99.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[5] Oliver Stone (Director), Peter
Kuznick (Writer),<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The
Untold History of the United States</i>, Part 8, DVD, Warner Home Video,
00:36:35~.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[6] Mikhail Gorbachev,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Memoirs</i><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>(London:
Doubleday, 1995), 419.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[7] Richard Rhodes,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Arsenals
of Folly: The Making of the Nuclear Arms Race</i><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>(New
York: Vintage, 2007), 140-141. Much of the information in this essay was found
in this book, especially chapter 13 (pages 236-270) on the Reykjavik Summit.
Rather than fill the essay with excessive endnotes, I make just this general
reference. Unless otherwise stated, all interpretations and opinions are my
own.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[8]<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/Document21.pdf"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">USSR CC CPSU
Politburo session on results of the Reykjavik Summit, 14 October 1986</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>The
Reykjavik File<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></i>(Document
21), National Security Archive.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[9] USSR CC CPSU Politburo… Ibid.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[10] Noam Chomsky, “</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="https://libcom.org/history/1970-1987-the-contra-war-in-nicaragua"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Contra War
in Nicaragua</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,”<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Libcom.org</i>,
September 8, 2006. Originally published in<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>What Uncle Sam Really Wants</i>, Odonian
Press, 1992.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[11] Francesco Merlo, “</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="http://www1.lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1992/19921205-1.html"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Fidel Castro on
Socialism, Economy, Clinton</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,”<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Latin
American Network Information Center</i>, translation of the original article in
Italian published in <span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Milan Corriere Della Sera</i><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span>December
5, 1992.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[12] Roger Keeran and Thomas Kenny, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Socialism Betrayed: Behind the Collapse of
the Soviet Union</i> (Bloomington, Indiana: iUniverse, 2010).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[13] Euvkeny Novikov and Patrick
Bascio, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Gorbachev and the Collapse of the
Soviet Communist Party</i> (New York: Peter Lang, 1994). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[14] Ronald Reagan “</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="http://voicesofdemocracy.umd.edu/reagan-evil-empire-speech-text/"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Evil Empire
Speech</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,”<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Voices
of Democracy</i>, March 8, 1983.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[15] Sidney D. Drell, George P. Shultz,
Editors,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="http://www.hoover.org/research/implications-reykjavik-summit-its-twentieth-anniversary-conference-report"><i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Implications of
the Reykjavik Summit on Its Twentieth Anniversary: Conference Report</span></i></a></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-CA" style="color: black; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(Hoover Press, 2007).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[16] David K. Shipler, “</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/1986/02/28/world/shultz-assails-nicaragua-in-asking-aid-for-rebels.html"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Shultz Assails
Nicaragua in Asking Aid for Rebels</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,”<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>New
York Times</i>, February 28, 1986.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[17]<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="https://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2016/08/lessons-from-day-after-for-new-cold.html"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Day After
Discussion Panel</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, ABC News,
November 18, 1983.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[18] Richard Rhodes,<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Arsenals
of Folly: The Making of the Nuclear Arms Race</i> (New York: Vintage,
2007), 308-309.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[19] “</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana;"><a href="https://www.rt.com/politics/360266-missile-defense-key-to-nuclear/"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Global missile
defense main obstacle to nuclear talks with US - Russian diplomat</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,”<span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black;"> </span></span><i>Russia
Today</i>, September 22, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-24866893040856968632016-09-20T09:18:00.002+09:002016-11-24T09:00:29.810+09:00What's Frightening? Trump with Nukes, or Anyone with Nukes?<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">If I can’t work up to you,</i></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">you’ll surely have to </i></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">work down to me someday.</i></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">-Bob Dylan, Narrow
Way (2012)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Donald Trump’s critics have made much of the fact that he
is too erratic, inexperienced and ignorant to be given the responsibility of holding
“the nuclear football,” that briefcase of launch codes that is always in the
presence of an American president. An article on <a href="https://thinkprogress.org/9-terrifying-things-donald-trump-has-publicly-said-about-nuclear-weapons-99f6290bc32a#.lgoo6tdgx">Thinkprogress.org</a>
listed the terrifying things that Donald Trump has said about nuclear weapons,
but his statements point more to the fact that nuclear arsenals are terrifying
in themselves, regardless of who has the power to use them. The sum of all fears doesn't <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">change that much <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">when</span> <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">new leadership comes to power. </span></span>Compared to some
other world leaders who have had their fingers on the button, Trump may not be <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">the most</span> dangerous. Compared to a true believer who would want to go down in flames,
or to the paranoia of Nixon in his final year, Trump <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">may be</span> a safer bet because he
would prefer to cut a deal, or maximize the land in Russia that might be available
for future Trump hotels and golf courses. In any case, the overall risk of
nuclear war may depend largely on other factors besides who the final decider
is. Furth<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ermore, we should not <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">forget the fundamental pro<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">blem of having the nuclear launch decision left <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">up to</span> only one person. It doesn't have to be this way. It is a little-kn<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">own fact that this <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">was not always the norm in all nuclear<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">-armed states<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">:</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><br />
<br />
<div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "verdana"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt;">In the United
States, where the president has sole authority to launch a retaliatory nuclear
strike, only the president has access to the football. The Soviet system, in
contrast, divided that authority among three senior government leaders—the
president, the minister of defense, and the chief of the general staff—who were
required to respond together to authorize action. To make such a coordinated
response possible, not only the president but also the other two senior leaders
were issued <i>chemodanchiki</i> [the equivalent of the American “football” — the
suitcase containing the nuclear launch codes.][1]</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt;"></span></div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What follows are some of the points raised by the
Thinkprogress article (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">in italics</i>), with
an explanation of why there is nothing new or shocking in what The Donald has
had to say on the topic. Much of what he says is exactly what a naïve time
traveler from the 18th century would say when told about the bizarre paradoxes that
arise from possessing nuclear weapons. His terrifying statements are best
understood as the ugly reflection of the actual nuclear doctrines that have
been in place during the nuclear age.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">1.Trump said he
might use nuclear weapons and questioned why we would make them if we wouldn’t
use them.</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Most media outlets ignored the question he asked next,
which made the logical anti-nuclear point: “If we can’t use them, why do we
have them?” As a businessman, he seemed to be implying we should stop wasting
money on them if they can’t be used.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">2. Trump said he
was open to nuking Europe because it’s a “big place.”</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If we understand Europe to be the land between Portugal and
the Urals, Europe has been a potential nuclear battlefield since the 1940s. For the 45 years
of the Cold War, thousands of tactical nuclear weapons were in Europe. The INF
Treaty of 1987 and subsequent <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">policies </span>abolished them, but the threat is still there now with NATO’s
recent positioning of ABM units in Romania and Poland. Other NATO countries
have US nuclear weapons, and Britain and France have their own. It is
implicitly understood that these are all aimed primarily at Russia, for reasons
that are never explained. The ideological enemy of communism is gone, but
Russia has been resurrected as the primary strategic threat. Because of this, Russia
has frantically tried to renew its arsenals and maintain parity over the last
fifteen years. So Europe is and always has been a nuclear target. The basic
logic applies: if you possess nuclear weapons, you are targeted for pre-emptive
nuclear attack by adversaries. If we are not open to nuking Europe, why are
nuclear weapons still there?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">3. Trump said that
“you want to be unpredictable” with nuclear weapons.</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is standard nuclear doctrine for every nation that
has nuclear weapons. In August 2016, President Obama floated the idea of
declaring a “no first strike” policy, but it was quickly shot down by almost
all officials in his administration. China and India have promised no first
use, but it’s a promise that could be readily broken. Afterwards, there would be no one left to give or receive an apology for the broken promise.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">4. Trump said he
wasn’t that worried about more countries getting nukes since “it’s not like,
gee whiz, nobody has them.”</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s hard to not concede that Trump has a point here. The
continued possession of nuclear weapons by certain nations has been the
greatest cause of nuclear proliferation. In addition, the Non-Proliferation
Treaty has permitted signatories to pursue the development of nuclear energy,
and every nuclear reactor produces fissile material. The UN’s record on
non-proliferation is a patchy record of successes and failures, yet there has
been no official international initiative to shut down uranium mining, and thus the
nuclear industry, as a way of controlling proliferation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">5. Trump had no
idea what the “nuclear triad” was.</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the <a href="http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/trumps-terrifying-nuke-answer-at-the-debate-should-end-his-campaign-but-it-wont-20151216">Republican
candidates debate in December 2015</a> only Marc Rubio knew what the triad was,
and knowing about the triad wouldn’t necessarily make someone an expert or a reliable person to have <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">a</span> finger on the button. Most
of the American public doesn’t know what the nuclear triad refers to, most
government employees don’t know, journalists who laughed at Trump had to look
it up, and most elected officials don’t know, either. Trump’s answer to the
question about the triad was juvenile and incoherent, but then again it isn’t
possible for the superpowers to make a rational argument as to why the lesser
nuclear powers should disarm first, or smaller nations should not try to obtain
their own deterrent force.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">6. Trump said he’d
be OK with a nuclear arms race in Asia.</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">India, Pakistan, China, Russia and North Korea have
nuclear weapons. US submarines patrol the Western Pacific with nuclear-armed
submarines. South Korea and Japan live under the American nuclear umbrella, so
this makes them essentially nuclear-armed as well. Japan has a large stockpile
of plutonium from its nuclear reactors that it could turn into bombs on short
notice. If Trump “would be” OK with a nuclear arms race in Asia, he is mistaken
only in not knowing that the international community already is OK with it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">7. Can I be honest
with you? It [proliferation] is going to happen, anyway. It’s only a question
of time. They’re going to start having them or we have to get rid of them
entirely. </i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">He is probably right here. This is the stark warning that
the anti-nuclear movement has been repeating for decades. Proliferation will continue
if the countries that have nuclear weapons don’t start to disarm. It is hard to
predict what Trump would actually do in a crisis, based on his contradictory
statements on many issues, but here he should get some credit for talking some
plain common sense about nuclear proliferation. So far, Hillary Clinton’s only
discussion of nuclear issues has been to denounce Trump as too dangerous to
have his finger on the button. Otherwise, we have no idea whether she has
serious ideas about moving forward with strategic arms reduction in the midst
of a tense relationship with Russia, one that she seems eager to intensify.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The satirical Trump proposal below is a sarcastic way of
pointing out that no political leaders anywhere want to discuss the toxic and
expensive legacy of nuclear weapons and nuclear energy. If we really understood
what we have already done to the planet, in addition to what we might do,
people might feel more urgency about shutting down the entire nuclear
enterprise. The statement imagines in Trumpese language what Trump would say if
he wanted Americans to worry about this issue as much as he wants them to get
frightened about border security and foreigners. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">If we have nukes,
why can't we use them? And if we can't use our nukes, why do we have them? And
let me tell you something about these nukes. They're expensive, and they've
left a hell of a mess in this country. One hell of a mess, folks. A mess all
down the ages, my friends, let me tell you. You probably don't want to know.
Unbelievable. But I'm gonna do something about it. Only I can do it. It'll be a
huge cleanup, folks. Yuge! Rocky Flats, that old dump outside of St. Louis,
Hanford. All that radiation spilling into the Columbia River! And don't even
get me started on the Nevada Test Site, all that fallout that came down on our
beautiful casinos. Washington's been trying to clean it up for decades, but
they can't. They can't. It's that simple. Only I can clean it up. And let me
tell you how I'm gonna do it. The Russians and the Chinese with their
communism! Because of them we had to build all those nukes to fight communism,
so they're gonna pay. And believe me, they'll pay. We're gonna dig a hole--and
nobody digs holes better than me, believe me--and they're gonna pay for it.</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">DISCLAIMER: I’m not an American citizen. I <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">didn't<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> vote in the</span></span>
American election. This is not an endorsement of Donald Trump,
but I felt I had to acknowledge his powers of persuasion and <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">the way his <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">r<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">hetorical</span> style</span></span> have conne<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">cted with millions of people</span></span>. If he were willing to focus Americans’ outrage on environmental crimes rather
than raci<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">al discord</span>, he would accomplish more in a day than I have done in five years
with this blog, but then he would probably find a way to blame foreigners for the
ecological damage. With all my highfalutin’ “fag talk” (as such polysyllabic talk
was called in the film <a href="https://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2016/03/idiocracy-nucleocracy.html" target="_blank"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Idiocracy</i></a>) I
haven’t raised awareness as much as The Donald could do with this single
imaginary Trumpesque statement on the legacy of the nuclear project begun in
the 1940s. <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">T</span>his year the voices of the dis-empowered and neglected are
speaking up, whether they be those of “low-information” voters or the “basket
of deplorables,” as Hillary Clinton refer<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">red</span> to them. They are voicing the
challenge to the coastal big city elites laid down in Bob Dylan’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Narrow
Way</i>: If I can’t work up to you,
you’ll surely have to work down to me someday. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For a more serious review of this topic, in<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">cluding both Donald Trump's and Hillary <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Clinton's handling of nuclear security q<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">uest<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ions, see Andrew Bacevich's excellent <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">essay entitled</span> <a href="http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/176194/tomgram%3A_andrew_bacevich%2C_the_national_security_void/#more" target="_blank"><i>The National Security Void</i></a>.</span></span></span></span></span><br />
<br />
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">N<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ote</span></span></span></span></span></span></b><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] </span></span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Richard Rhodes, <i>Twilight of the Bombs</i> (Random House, 2010), p. 85.</span></span> </span> </span></span></span></span> </span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-76254835807455895522016-09-11T15:05:00.001+09:002017-06-11T10:35:29.222+09:00Connecting Nuclear Disarmament to the Demilitarization of World Politics<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There may
be no more urgent task for human survival than the elimination of nuclear
weapons, and there is apparent universal agreement on this, but one of the many
paradoxes of things nuclear is that the obvious thing that everyone wants has
proven unattainable. Everyone says she wants a nuclear-free world, but the
facts on the ground speak otherwise. One might say that the entanglements of
international relations have left humanity in a political situation that is like
the paradox of quantum physics that emerged early in the nuclear age. In 1935,
physicist Erwin Schrödinger conducted a thought experiment which he called
entanglement. He described how a cat may be simultaneously alive and dead in a state
known as a quantum superposition, if its survival were linked to a random
subatomic event that may or may not occur. If it is true for a cat, then perhaps
all of life on a tiny planet could be in the same undetermined state, waiting
for some final act of observation that decides whether the human species really
wants to live or whether it has a death wish. Only such counter-intuitive
imaginings could explain how we have managed to exist so long on the razor edge
between peace and annihilation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6OY4apxCzUVPQRfgpviooUun5JYFL5kbwYsUwbycPKpGB9tdMIyMMk1xppDSG4CPQ83NKuui0YJHo1ctWuGNwWijKL4VRbJT_j5h1GS3eS4H0dJ-hkpAKGWKKslnNUIq6R4WnWrNhqgM/s1600/Schrodingers_cat.svg.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6OY4apxCzUVPQRfgpviooUun5JYFL5kbwYsUwbycPKpGB9tdMIyMMk1xppDSG4CPQ83NKuui0YJHo1ctWuGNwWijKL4VRbJT_j5h1GS3eS4H0dJ-hkpAKGWKKslnNUIq6R4WnWrNhqgM/s400/Schrodingers_cat.svg.png" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3ASchrodingers_cat.svg" target="_blank">Schrodinger's Cat by Dhatfield</a></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">Then again, we could ask if we really have avoided annihilation. Perhaps the world has been destroyed by nuclear war several times over, but we just carry on in another dimension after each "near miss," in a kind of purgatory where the gods give us a chance to reset the game and try to do it again without blowing ourselves up. Think of that part in the long telenovela LOST when the characters finally realize they are dead. They face the truth that should have been obvious all along: that no one could have survived that plane crash. So come on. Think about it. The human race created 60,000 nuclear weapons, and you really think we could have avoided nuclear war all this time?</span><br />
<span style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To push
this metaphysical discussion a little further, we could say that there is another sort of
duality in existence when it comes to nuclear disarmament. There are two
effective forces in nuclear disarmament, but their paths may never cross. One
is the force within the circles of political power, while the other is the
force of the disarmament groups that work, with questionable effectiveness,
from outside the circles of political power. Both seem to carry on their
activities oblivious to those of the other. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Leaders of
the superpowers have, on rare occasions in the past, come together briefly to
make significant de-escalations in the strategic arms race. In 1963, the UK, US
and USSR signed the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and in the 1980s and early
1990s short and medium-range nuclear weapons were removed from Europe, and in
total the arsenals of the US and Russia were reduced by about two thirds.
Leaders took these actions because of pressure from within government to reduce
the costs and hazards of maintaining these arsenals, but they also claimed to
be reacting to popular pressure. It is also likely that these bold changes
occurred only because of the personalities of the individual leaders involved.
Kennedy, Khrushchev, Reagan and Gorbachev were strongly opposed within their
own governments, but they had the courage to overrule domestic opposition, put
aside differences about other aspects of Cold War rivalry (such as the
non-trivial matter of how they were simultaneously plunging the Third World into
their proxy wars) and prioritize the reduction of a mutual existential threat.
Considering how rare these moments of progress have been, we have to wonder if
further progress will depend on the lucky coincidence of compatible leaders with
the right intentions rising to power once again. It would be foolish to depend
on such luck, but what else is there in the historical record?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The other
parallel track of disarmament is in all the efforts that happen outside of
actions taken by the superpowers. (The lesser nuclear powers, the UK, France,
China, India, Pakistan, Israel and North Korea, NATO members and others under the
US “nuclear umbrella” make no initiatives at all.) Various non-government
organizations and non-nuclear nations have held independent or UN-sponsored
initiatives to revise and strengthen the Non-Proliferation Treaty and force the
nuclear powers to disarm, but there has been no significant progress since the
early 1990s, and in fact, the trust that was so hard won then has been
squandered. Now there is a general consensus that the US and Russia are in a Cold
War II that is similar but different, and perhaps worse than the first one in
some ways, mostly because of the incompetence of the new generation of leaders
who don’t comprehend the risks.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
nuclear powers usually snub the conferences and legal challenges of disarmament
groups, but when they deign to appear it is just to make a brief statement
asking the non-nuclear nations to give up their plans, urging that rapid
disarmament would lead to a dangerous “destabilization.” It is as if the NGOs
and non-nuclear nations are being told they are powerless and too foolish to
know what is good for them. The US and Russia may not love each other anymore,
but it is time for the children to accept the divorce and, like, mommy and
daddy, get on with their lives. So far, no one in the disarmament movement has
figured out a version of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Parent_Trap_(1961_film)"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Parent Trap</i></a> to manipulate them
into a reconciliation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One group that
has made an impressive statement on disarmament is <a href="http://www.wildfire-v.org/"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Wildfire</i></a>,
a group that has tried to “change the game” by calling for more aggressive
approaches with “no more commissions, pontificating windbags, paper cranes, NPT
treadmill, and no more whining, wishing or waiting.”[1] At the <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qrTk567QRxM">2014 Vienna Conference on
the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons</a>, using clear language that cut
past the diplomatic niceties and technical jargon, they called on the
non-nuclear nations to stop enabling their abusers:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">…
my message today is for those states which do not have nuclear weapons, for
those states which, whatever the security threats they face, have foresworn nuclear
weapons by joining the NPT, for those states which, despite having no nuclear
weapons, unjustly bear the risks and will bear the terrible consequences of
their use, and my message to you, states without nuclear weapons, begins with
these words from Isaiah: </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1.0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1.0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“How
long, Oh Lord?” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1.0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“Until
the cities are wasted without inhabitant, and the houses without people, and
the land lies utterly desolate.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">How
long will you keep playing this game? How long will you listen politely to the
nuclear-armed states? How long will you continue to accept the procrastination,
empty promises and endless excuses of the nuclear-armed states? How long will
you listen politely to nuclear-armed states that claim to support the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty as a crucial step towards disarmament, but haven’t
ratified it after eighteen years? How long will you listen to the nuclear-armed
states express their unequivocal commitment to nuclear disarmament and then
come here and say that they need their nuclear weapons for stability? How long
will you wait for these mythical “right conditions” for nuclear disarmament?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And
now you have at last begun this discussion of the humanitarian impact of
nuclear weapons. How many more meetings will you have? How many times will you
listen to the harrowing tales of victims? How many times will you listen to the
chilling scientific accounts of catastrophic consequences? How many times will
you listen to analysis of the alarming risks of accidents, miscalculation or
deliberate use? How long will you sit, and worry, and complain, and talk, and
talk and talk? How long, Mr. Chairman, until you, the states without nuclear
weapons, decide to take this matter into your own hands and act? Because until
you do this charade is going to continue. Even if we take the nuclear-armed
states at their word, and believe that they are sincere about disarmament, it
is clear that they are addicted to their weapons. They are like the alcoholic
who is always promising to stop drinking but somehow never does. Their weapons
possess them. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nobody
can force an alcoholic to stop drinking, and nobody can force the nuclear-armed
states to disarm. Only they can choose to give up their weapons, but you, the
sober members of the family of nations, can stop enabling them. You can remove the
ambiguity that supports their habits. You can make clear where you stand and
what you will not accept. You can negotiate, and adopt, and bring into force a
treaty banning nuclear weapons. This is something you can do. It is something
you can do now. The alternative is to sit, passive and impotent, while the
nuclear-armed states continue as they always have, risking your security, along
with all of human civilization, in a misguided attempt to protect theirs. It’s
your future, and your choice. You can sit, and wait, and whine, or you can take
control and negotiate a treaty banning nuclear weapons.[2]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This suggestion
that the non-nuclear states should take matters into their own hands is a
logical step. It is indeed what is necessary, but two years have passed since
this statement was delivered and none of the non-nuclear nations have taken up
the call to stop enabling the nuclear-armed states. In August 2016 in the UN
Working Group on Nuclear Disarmament “an overwhelming majority of nations… signaled
their clear intention to join negotiations in 2017 on a treaty prohibiting
nuclear weapons,”[3] but this commitment will be meaningless if it is not backed
up by a coalition of the weak that can impose punishing sanctions on the
strongest nations of the world. The reasons this won’t happen should be obvious.
The international community lacks the will, and there is no interest in such
reform in the domestic politics of the nuclear-armed states. In an interview
Edward Snowden gave around the same time as the 2014 Vienna conference, he
explained his view of why there has been no popular resistance to the
intrusions of the American security state into the private communications of
citizens, an issue which nonetheless receives more attention than nuclear
weapons:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I
don’t believe the political will be successful, for exactly the reasons you
underlined. The issue is too abstract for average people who have too many
things going on in their lives. And we do not live in a revolutionary time.
People are not prepared to contest power. We have a system of education that is
really a sort of euphemism for indoctrination.[4]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There are
many other causes for which American citizens could be protesting against their
own government, and others for which foreign governments and foreign citizens
could also be stopping the actions of the American government: international
trade agreements that favor the rights of corporations, ecological destruction,
income inequality, food insecurity, arms sales to nations that abuse human
rights, interference in the domestic affairs of foreign nations, abuse of
international law, use of inhumane conventional weapons in wars that are not
sanctioned by UN resolutions. All of these issues directly affect the lives of
people in much more tangible ways than arsenals of nuclear weapons that have
never been used in warfare since 1945. It is not likely that any single nation
or a coalition of nations will do what is necessary to force the nuclear-armed
states to give up their weapons. Whatever level of sanctions and boycotts would
be necessary to force such change, it’s clear that there is no group of nations
with an interest in finding out.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A few historical
examples demonstrate the lengths to which nuclear-armed nations will go to
punish junior partners that step out of line. In the 1970s, Australia had a
prime minister who wanted to renegotiate the nation’s security arrangements
with the US. The Americans began to fear that their strategically important
intelligence gathering facility in the Australian desert would be closed down,
so pretty soon the CIA-friendly governor general fired the prime minister.[5] In
the 1980s, France exerted economic torture on New Zealand in order to win the
release of French intelligence officers who had killed a man on the Greenpeace
ship Rainbow Warrior in 1985. France was ready to use its influence in the EU
to block all agricultural imports from New Zealand. The New Zealand prime
minister had to surrender because the public would have never accepted such
economic damage as the cost of standing up for a principle.[6]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When it
comes to the topic of boycotts, sanctions and disinvestment to punish
nuclear-armed states, we need to look at how the undeclared “ambiguous” nuclear
power Israel is reacting to the BDS movement over its treatment of
Palestinians. Israel has exerted pressure on foreign governments to make
boycotts illegal, something South Africa never managed to do during the period
of sanctions over Apartheid. If this state of affairs exists regarding a
campaign against abuses that are actually happening, it is difficult to imagine
that a coalition of non-nuclear states could organize a “BDS” campaign against nuclear
weapons that are sitting harmlessly (for now) in their silos.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In fact,
the BDS campaign itself has expressed little concern about Israel’s status as a
non-declared possessor of nuclear weapons. Where would we begin in convincing
Israel to give up this arsenal that it can’t even admit to owning? There can be
no doubt that Israel thinks far ahead to a day when the Arab states’ oil is
depleted, the region is in even worse chaos than now, and American support is
gone. Israel wants its nuclear deterrent for that day, so it is inconceivable
that any amount of outside pressure would force it give up its nuclear weapons.
This topic never comes up at disarmament conferences because there is no desire
to get “sidetracked” into the enormously contentious issues in Middle East
politics, especially not Israel’s right to exist and protect that existence
with a nuclear deterrent. It is deemed better to pretend that we can make
progress in nuclear disarmament without facing the connections to other
intractable problems in international relations. At the 2015 Pugwash Conference
in Nagasaki I witnessed </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Mr. Kim Won-soo, UN Under Secretary-General and
Acting High Representative of Disarmament Affairs, claim that he was merely “extremely
disappointed” that the recent NPT negotiations failed. He failed to mention any
countries by name or that his disappointment referred to a motion that would
have forced Israel to declare whether it possessed nuclear weapons, one that
was overruled by the US, the UK and Canada.[7] </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is said
that states have no morals; only interests, and we could add that when it comes
to enduring economic pain, democracies have no self-respect and no principles.
A leader like Fidel Castro was able to <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">withstand</span> American sanctions because he could
force his people to pay the price. If he had been facing re-election in a year’s
time, it is doubtful he would have been supported by popular pressure to endure
the economic pain of five decades of sanctions. While the nuclear-armed states
are addicted to their weapons, the non-nuclear armed states are addicted to
their access to markets in the nuclear-armed states. At this time, it is simply
not conceivable that a new non-aligned movement could succeed after the failure
of the first one launched in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955 which the United States
found intolerable. Ten years later Southeast Asia was engulfed in a decade of civil
wars, genocide and carpet bombing.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But this
sort of historical awareness, or awareness of any concerns besides nuclear
weapons, seems to be something that the present disarmament movement is not
very good at. The movement lives in a silo, and it has to get out and engage
with the problems that need to be resolved before we can get to nuclear
disarmament.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One reason
for this sidelining of the disarmament movement may have been the recent
appearance in it of former American cold warriors such as Henry Kissinger who
have “seen the light” in their old age and come around to admitting the
uselessness of nuclear arsenals. However, beneath this apparently enlightened
discourse, there is a seldom-stated assumption of a continued American
exceptionalism and hegemony. In an editorial in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The New York Times</i>, James E. Cartwright and Bruce G. Blairaug
argued for adopting a nuclear “no-first-use” policy by saying first use would
never be necessary because the US enjoys dominance in every other aspect: </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Our
nonnuclear strength, including economic and diplomatic power, our alliances,
our conventional and cyber weaponry and our technological advantages,
constitute a global military juggernaut unmatched in history. The United States
simply does not need nuclear weapons to defend its own and its allies’ vital
interests, as long as our adversaries refrain from their use.[8]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
authors evince no awareness that it is this very predominance that makes old
hawks like Kissinger think nuclear weapons are no longer necessary and makes America’s
adversaries want nuclear weapons. When the nuclear-armed states speak
euphemistically about the loss of “stability” that would come with rapid
disarmament, they are talking about this stability that comes from the predominance
of American power. Americans want to preserve the “stability” of their
advantage, and all the other nuclear-armed states want to hang onto the “stability”
that comes from having a nuclear deterrent to hold American power at bay. It
should be obvious to all that there is only one player in this dangerous game
that can unwind it (Hint: It’s not North Korea).</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGNeFGPRL2c8JKKiRHRsgoza8J99yYiPP3Xzu9ZaqfAyIdc3ujcR1oX8PW5DSJ7S4W4wbuqlpgpJcywFcqyA1uKlQMaoC6TxWejYJfIP_FBX994IrogoLngoH0eNCkjlVX-QmHdUR0wdc/s1600/lebowski-bush.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="248" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjGNeFGPRL2c8JKKiRHRsgoza8J99yYiPP3Xzu9ZaqfAyIdc3ujcR1oX8PW5DSJ7S4W4wbuqlpgpJcywFcqyA1uKlQMaoC6TxWejYJfIP_FBX994IrogoLngoH0eNCkjlVX-QmHdUR0wdc/s400/lebowski-bush.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">In the film The Big Lebowski, set in September 1990, the protagonist (a drafter of the original counter-culture <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Port_Huron_Statement" target="_blank">Port Huron Statement</a>) signs a check postdated Sept. 11, 1991 for a 69-cent quart of milk. As he signs it, the television at the checkout counter broadcasts President Bush's New World Order statement from 1990.</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mikhail
Gorbachev, the last head of state of the USSR, is a man who knows a few things
about negotiating with Americans. He has been pointing out this problem ever
since President Bush the First declared the American-led New World Order in
1990. Gorbachev is still fully committed to both the total elimination of nuclear
weapons and nuclear power plants, but he has consistently pointed out the
problems that lie beyond this elusive goal. In his recent book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The New Russia</i>, Gorbachev discussed some
of the comments he has made over the years on America’s abuse of its status as
the world’s sole superpower:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">...
could it be considered realistic if, after ridding the world of weapons of mass
destruction, one country would still be in possession of more conventional
weapons than the combined arsenals of almost all other countries in the world
put together? If it were to have absolute global military superiority? In my
speech [World Political Forum, Turin, May 18, 2003] I warned that the answer
could only be negative:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1.0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I
will say frankly that such a prospect would be an insurmountable obstacle to
ridding the world of nuclear weapons. If we do not address the issue of a
general demilitarization of world politics, reduction of arms budgets, ceasing
the development of new weapons, a ban on the militarization of space, all talk
of a nuclear-free world will come to nothing.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I
reminded the conference that when, in years gone by, we had proposed moving
forward to a non-nuclear world, our Western partners had raised the issue of
the Soviet Union’s superiority in conventional weapons. We had not tried to
evade it and had entered negotiations that led to a mutual reduction of
conventional arms in Europe. Today we needed the West to adopt a similar
approach. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">More
general problems must also be addressed if we are to build a relationship of
partnership and trust. Foremost is the problem of military superiority. I
pointed out that the US National Security Strategy adopted in 2002 explicitly
proclaimed the principle that the United States should enjoy global military
superiority: “This principle has in effect become an integral part of America’s
creed. It finds specific expression in the vast arsenals of conventional
weapons, the colossal defense budget and the plans for weaponizing outer space.
The proposed strategic dialogue must include all these issues.” [Mikhail Gorbachev
referring to his NYT editorial of April 22, 2010]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
correlation between reduction and elimination of weapons of mass destruction
and the general state of international relations and security is something any
sober-minded politician should be keeping in mind. The generation of
politicians that replaced ours failed signally to improve security in Europe
and the rest of the world. The worst blunder was the decision to expand NATO
and turn it into a ‘guarantor’ of security not only in Europe but beyond its
borders. [9]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gorbachev
also cited the speech he gave in Fulton, Missouri, in May 1992, the hometown of
President Harry Truman where Winston Churchill made the speech that launched
the Cold War in 1946:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Under
the guise of protestations of peace-loving intentions and the need to protect
the interests of the world’s peoples, both sides took decisions that split the
world. Their antagonism was misrepresented by both sides as a necessary
confrontation between good and evil... [The most important thing today was] not
to make the intellectual, and political, mistake of seeing overcoming the Cold
War as a victory for America. We now have the opportunity to move forward to
peace and progress for everyone, relying not on force, which is a threat to all
civilization, but on international law, the principles of equal rights, a
balancing of interests, freedom of choice, cooperation and common sense.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I
urged my listeners to acknowledge an important reality: it was not possible in
this day and age for “particular states or groups of states to reign supreme on
the international stage.” My speech at Fulton was less a polemic against
Churchill than against those hatching plans for global domination.[10] </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mr.
Gorbachev’s insights here suggest that something needs to be added to Wildfire’s
refreshing appeal to cut through ossified discourse on disarmament. Dismantling
American hegemony and the military industrial complex is a prerequisite of
nuclear disarmament. It is not something that can wait for later.
Unfortunately, the permanent war state remained unmentionable even during the
recent “radical” campaign of Bernie Sanders for the Democratic Party nomination.
The historian</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> Gareth
Porter argued that it must become a more prominent issue if the progressive
movement is to advance:</span>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So
the strategy of the movement… must include a broadly concerted campaign that
explains to young people, disaffected working-class people and others how the
permanent war state produces winners and losers. The winners are the national
security organs themselves, as well as those who make careers and fortunes from
the permanent state of war. The losers are those who must suffer the
socioeconomic and other consequences of such reckless policies. Such a campaign
should aim at nothing less than taking away the flow of money and the legal
authority that the permanent war state has seized on the pretext of “threats”
that are largely of its own making… the legitimacy of the permanent war state
is extremely tenuous. A determined campaign to challenge that legitimacy,
carried out with sufficient resources over a few years with the participation
of a broad coalition, could shake it to its roots.[11]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If this
advice applies to the American progressive movement, it also applies to the
international community. The call for non-nuclear-armed states to withdraw
support of nuclear-armed states would be a highly disruptive change in the
world order, one which, judging by the historical record, would be severely
resisted by the United States in the form of “making the economy scream,” to
quote a phrase used by Richard Nixon when Chile wanted to pursue an independent
path in the early 1970s.[12] A complete overthrow of the Chilean government
followed the economic torture. It has been argued here that nuclear abolition
movements both inside and outside the United States will reach their goals only
if they turn their attention first to the non-nuclear bombs that are actually
falling on people’s heads at the present time. This explains why the Wildfire
group has found disarmament talks so ineffectual, replete with commissions,
pontificating windbags, paper cranes, whining, wishing and waiting. The
movement has been unable or unwilling to address the root problems which led to
the creation of nuclear arsenals in the first place.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notes</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1]
Wildfire, <a href="http://www.wildfire-v.org/">http://www.wildfire-v.org/</a> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2]
<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qrTk567QRxM">Wildfire Chief
Inflammatory Officer Richard Lennane inflames the Vienna Conference on the
Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons</a>, December 9th, 2014.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[3]
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="http://www.icanw.org/campaign-news/support-for-a-conference-in-2017-to-negotiate-a-treaty-banning-nuclear-weapons/">Support
for a conference in 2017 to negotiate a treaty banning nuclear weapons</a></i>,
International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, August 25, 2016. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[4]
Katrina vanden Heuvel and Stephen F. Cohen, “<a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/snowden-exile-exclusive-interview/">Edward
Snowden: A ‘Nation’ Interview</a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Nation</i>, October 28, 2014. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[5]
John Pilger, “<a href="http://johnpilger.com/articles/the-forgotten-coup-how-america-and-britain-crushed-the-government-of-their-ally-australia">The
forgotten coup - how America and Britain crushed the government of their ‘ally’,
Australia</a>,” johnpilger.com, October 23, 2014.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[6]
Phil Taylor, “<a href="http://features.nzherald.co.nz/rainbow-warrior/"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Rainbow Warrior 30 Years On</i></a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">New Zealand Herald</i>, July 10, 2015. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[7]
“<a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-32856926">UN nuclear weapons
talks fail ‘over Israel row</a>,’” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">BBC</i>,
May 23, 2015.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[8]
James E. Cartwright and Bruce G. Blairaug, “<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/15/opinion/end-the-first-use-policy-for-nuclear-weapons.html?_r=0">End
the First-Use Policy for Nuclear Weapons</a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">New York Times</i>, August 14, 2016.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[9]
Mikhail Gorbachev, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The New Russia</i>
(Malden, Massachusetts: Polity Press, 2016), 304-306.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[10]
Mikhail Gorbachev, ibid, 340-341. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[11]
Gareth Porter, “<a href="http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/36603-why-the-sanders-revolution-must-take-on-the-permanent-war-state">Why
the Sanders ‘Revolution’ Must Take on the Permanent War State</a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Truthout</i>, June 28, 2016.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[12]
Daniel Marans, “<a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/05/27/henry-kissinger-human-rights_n_7454172.html">Henry
Kissinger Just Turned 92. Here’s Why He’s Careful About Where He Travels</a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Huffington Post</i>, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>May 27, 2015. </span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-52102534029451762622016-09-04T14:31:00.001+09:002016-09-05T08:46:30.310+09:00Findings from Mayak, Chernobyl and Semipalatinsk: How Soviet-era Secrecy Enabled Research in Trans-generational Genomic Instability <div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>“The
pollution of the atmosphere by radioactive particles almost completely
disappeared. We had been paying for our nuclear testing with thousands, even
tens of thousands of human lives. And [in 1963] we stopped paying.”</i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">- Andrei
Sakharov, Russian nuclear physicist,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">lead scientist in the
development of </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Soviet nuclear weapons, Soviet dissident,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">and activist for
disarmament, peace and </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">human rights, speaking about the </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">US-Soviet </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">agreement to
halt atmospheric nuclear tests.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the end
of August 2016, Kazakhstan hosted the international conference “Building a
Nuclear-Weapon-Free World,” marking both the 25th anniversary of the closure of
the Semipalatinsk Nuclear Test Site and the UN International Day Against
Nuclear Tests (Aug. 29). The social, environmental and human health
consequences have been reported elsewhere [1], but one aspect of these effects
doesn’t seem to receive as much attention as it should; that is the question of
whether nuclear weapons tests had lasting, inherited effects on the genome of living
things touched by the fallout. The question is often treated as a big unknown,
or a fear-mongering worry of anti-nuclear activists for which no evidence has
ever been found.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One reason
evidence was never found, in some countries, was that no one wanted to know. If
scientists in the civilian and military nuclear sectors found that there was
trans-generational genetic damage from radiation, the results could not be kept
secret in an open society and they would be very bad for the continued
expansion of the industry. However, in
the Soviet Union, scientists were able to pursue this line of research because
they were confident the results would remain top secret. No one ever expected
that everything would be in the open after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Ironically,
the research was done most freely in the society that had the least freedom in
access to information. This fact was illustrated by Kate Brown in her book <i>Plutopia</i>, in the chapters in which she
described the data kept on the rural inhabitants who lived downwind of the Soviet
Mayak nuclear fuel factory, where both disasters and regular operations have contaminated
the environment for decades. [2] </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Research
done on the British and New Zealand atomic test veterans have also demonstrated
inherited effects on the children and grandchildren of the veterans (see </span><a href="https://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2016/03/revelation-i-am-alpha-beta-and-gamma.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">previous post on this topic</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As for
Kazakhstan, the subject of inherited damage was explained by Dr. Boris Gusev of
the Semipalatinsk Institute of Radiation Medicine. He has been involved in
research on the effects of the nuclear detonations in both the pre and
post-Soviet era. He spoke in two documentary films made in recent years, and
his comments in them have been transcribed below.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">__________</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Dr. Boris Gusev speaking in <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gerry Sperling, producer, </span></b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5aUVQiKVKJQ"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Silent
Bombs: All for the Motherland</span></i></b></a><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, </span></b><a href="http://frsqrqlx.sasktelwebhosting.com/html/completed_films.html"><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">4
Square Productions</span></b></a><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, 2009:<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">The whole
territory was sacrificed. Why Kazakhstan? The USSR was a huge land with
millions of possibilities and the Polygon could have been located somewhere in
the mountains or some other place where there were no people, nobody. So please
go ahead, explode as you wish [somewhere else]. But no. It was done there.
Kazakhstan was an important satellite back then. Everyone was quiet. No one
dared utter a word in protest.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">It was called
Anti-Bruscellosis Dispensary #4. It was a cover up of course, the brainchild of
the KGB. The institute was highly secretive. Everybody who was hired that year,
and years before, had to sign a document prohibiting them from revealing any
information. That was very serious because if you didn't follow the rules, you
would go to prison for a long time.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">Treatment was
not the objective. Do I acknowledge that? Yes, I do. Those people in the
hospital received almost no treatment. We were only examining them.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">The existence
of a local population must be part of any nuclear war scenario. What do the
people do? How do they behave? Who died? And so on. That was the scenario
played out here, I think. So the man who compared himself to the laboratory
rabbit was absolutely right.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">All organs have
somatic cells. In natural conditions about one in a million mutates, but those
are from natural causes and they are destroyed by the immune system. But under
the influence of ionizing radiation and other components such as heavy metals,
a process called somatic mutation occurs. As it turns out, somatic mutation
appears to be 100% inheritable.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Dr. Gusev elaborated on this topic in
another film made in 2011 called </span></b><a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2015/02/after-apocalypse-anti-nuclear-film-that.html"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">After the Apocalypse</span></i></b></a><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">:<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">We reported
directly to Moscow. These are the records of illness. These [records] are from
the most seriously affected villages next to the Polygon. We observed and
analyzed the population. We investigated which were the main illnesses that
were linked to exposure from radiation. We compiled them into risk groups and
so on. All this data was top secret. When I was a doctor, a neuropathologist,
back then all our life was on the road. We observed the population, we returned
for a quick wash and shave, and then we were back out again. On the first floor
where the hospital is now we had an enormous laboratory which processed this
work. We knew precisely where the radiation was. We knew precisely how much of
the different types of radiation people were being exposed to, what dose the population
was receiving. That is, we were not idle. We knew everything.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">But the most
important thing was that willingly or unwillingly the people living in the
regions of the Polygon had been pulled into this game between the United States
and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union played the worst role, of course,
because it allowed its citizens to live through the most real type of nuclear
war. They were thinking about a preventive nuclear war—that if there was going
to be one, then they had to know what would happen to people. And, therefore,
no one was evacuated. Instead, they were observed to see how many would die,
how many would become ill and so on.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">Do you feel
a little bit guilty that you took part in the Soviet Union’s experiment?</span></i><i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">My good man,
how far we are from one another. From a moral, ethical point of view and in
knowledge of that time you ask this question—and are probably correct in doing
so—but there is no answer to this question. Simply, there isn’t one. I can’t
explain it. And you will never understand what the former Soviet Union was. You
will never understand this in your lifetime. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">Over the last
15 years we have thoroughly analyzed all the material in the archives. We have
made our conclusions and published our research. And at the same time we have
continued our planned research on the population. Now a huge group has
appeared, of 250,000 to 270,000 people. These are the children of parents who
have been irradiated. We thought that everything would go smoothly, that chromosomal
damage and genetic effects would be confined to only the generation of people
who were irradiated, and they could not be inherited by future generations. But
it turned out this was wrong.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">__________ </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHTT4DLiW_g4PQBTd33u9maWFhkDEUEgXuM_O_4scHY8l_Or9jTTFHs8mjpTcYJxJMdn-6ekh8-i1Cd0xkuuPIXiQ-ew3l-PN9mfo1z2Mx4nXobx5YXrlCHKAHT70_60bYEhBQorupdF0/s1600/saiga-healthy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="223" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHTT4DLiW_g4PQBTd33u9maWFhkDEUEgXuM_O_4scHY8l_Or9jTTFHs8mjpTcYJxJMdn-6ekh8-i1Cd0xkuuPIXiQ-ew3l-PN9mfo1z2Mx4nXobx5YXrlCHKAHT70_60bYEhBQorupdF0/s400/saiga-healthy.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One final
point, which is obvious but seems to be seldom mentioned, is that what is true
for humans is true also for every other species that was exposed to the nuclear
bomb detonations, and the effects might in fact be much worse. There are many
open questions now which perhaps no one wants to pursue. For example, there
have been many reports on the “mysterious wave of antelope deaths” on the
plains of Kazakhstan, [3] but no one seems to have pursued research on one of
the obvious possible causes. One report briefly mentioned a study that looked
at present radiation levels but didn’t pursue the issue any further: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
large geographical area over which die-offs occurred suggests that a single
environmental contaminant is not particularly plausible, and soil, water and
air analyses completed are largely within normal ranges for detectable
radiation and known contaminants and pollutants… Since at least the 1950s saiga
[antelope] die-offs have been recorded in Kazakhstan. [4]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The first
Soviet nuclear bomb explosion in Kazakhstan occurred in 1949. Perhaps the die-offs
occurred before then but were never recorded in the absence of modern state
institutions that could keep the records. In that case, however, surely there
would have been some local knowledge of such events held by the elders of the
local population. The fact that present levels of radiation are within normal
ranges means little when the inherited effects would be linked to the exposures
suffered by organisms in previous generations, both transient levels of
external doses and longer-lasting internal doses. These trans-generational
effects are still so poorly misunderstood that it would be impossible to
dismiss radiation exposure as an ultimate cause of the weakened immunity that
may be linked to the proximate cause of this mass death by infection. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In an
article in <i>The Ecologist</i>, Dr.
Christopher Busby explains that what is at issue is not just a few genetic
mutations, which would fade away over time in the population. The phenomenon
being observed is trans-generational genomic instability, which he explains
thus:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If
a cell was damaged, it somehow switched on a mechanism that communicated to its
descendants a signal to randomly mutate... it also transmitted the same signal
to other cells around it... This effect has been seen now in many systems and
the trans-generational genomic damage switch has been shown to operate in
Chernobyl studies where in some rodents (bank voles) there are measurable
effects even after 20 generations. This is scary stuff indeed. No one knows the
reason for such a process but it has been suggested that it favors the survival
of a population at the expense of the individual. [5]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEioMPhH8BGdkm4NpBbQn8t935Lv6HE1Ut4B70cffOufMjgWAZc_dkiVxSVphXVWCdNKjoYX7XE_cqc4wklP2JMXugZc1jnJt4Mkgq7Uhefp-3sWuPsTQ88pU-jn-GuKKMW8wG4UFxnu_W0/s1600/saiga-grave.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEioMPhH8BGdkm4NpBbQn8t935Lv6HE1Ut4B70cffOufMjgWAZc_dkiVxSVphXVWCdNKjoYX7XE_cqc4wklP2JMXugZc1jnJt4Mkgq7Uhefp-3sWuPsTQ88pU-jn-GuKKMW8wG4UFxnu_W0/s400/saiga-grave.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the
case of the saiga antelope, radiation could be a single cause, a partial cause
or not a cause at all, but it is striking that it is not being considered more
seriously in the scientific inquiry. But then again, we must remember that the
secrecy of the Soviet era is gone. Some lines of research will not be pursued
because, you know, what if we found something?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notes<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] Aiman
Turebekova, “</span><a href="http://astanatimes.com/2016/08/astana-to-host-major-nuclear-disarmament-conference/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Astana to
Host Major Nuclear Disarmament Conference</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i>Eurasia World</i>, August 24,
2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[2] Mike McCormick, interviewer, </span><i><a href="https://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2015/04/plutopia-interview-with-kate-brown-on.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Plutopia:
Interview with Kate Brown on Talkingstick TV</span></a></i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">. January
18, 2014.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[3] Rory Galloway, “</span><a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-32958032"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Scientists
probe mysterious wave of antelope deaths</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i>BBC News</i>, June 1, 2015.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[4] <i><a href="http://www.saiga-conservation.com/news_article/items/update-on-the-saiga-antelope-tragedy-in-kazakhstan.html">Update
on the saiga antelope tragedy in Kazakhstan</a></i>, Saiga Conservation
Alliance, September 4, 2015.</span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[5] Chris Busby, “<a href="http://www.theecologist.org/News/news_analysis/2595620/bomb_test_veterans_grandchildren_suffer_health_impacts.html">Bomb
Test Veterans’ Grandchildren Suffer Health Effects</a>,” <i>The Ecologist</i>,
October 16, 2014.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-44162377127360797952016-08-28T18:49:00.003+09:002021-02-04T21:04:58.174+09:00Nuevomexicanos, the Pueblo, and the Atomic Age<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">When Spanish settlers
came to Mexico in the early 16th century, they moved northward, and by 1598
some had settled in the present state of New Mexico, USA. Many of them weren’t
Spanish, actually, and they had various religious backgrounds. They had roots
in various regions of Europe and North Africa. In order to participate in the
voyages of Spain they had declare loyalty to Spain and identify themselves as
Christians, but some of them secretly kept traditions of their religions, Islam
and Judaism, in the privacy of their homes.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">The historian Larry
Torres says the descendants of these early settlers, referred to as
Nuevomexicanos, missed the social changes that happened in European culture
over the following centuries. In a sense, they are a living time capsule. They
had no contact with the Renaissance, the Enlightenment or the Industrial
Revolution. Their religion, their traditions, and their customs are from the
Middle Ages. This culture is still reflected in the language, which is a kind
of Spanish that is 400 years out of fashion. Scholars from Spain have come to
New Mexico to study the language that was spoken by the great Spanish novelist
Cervantes (1547-1616). But what happens when you have a society that suddenly
time travels from the Middle Ages to the Atomic Age?<o:p></o:p></span></p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;"> </span><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJjavUcNl9XnLIib6jGDnOptLF7_XB435IshodIb9i_qI-qPB_ZKU2WR2CBfymzghE0xRBWGk8nARZVesIKqWq1dTU_2yLvQ_gUeL9n4qgcmB6pmyRzbConfjpppgK05jO7VKi0AhwYJM/s1600/new-mexico-settlement.JPG" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="235" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJjavUcNl9XnLIib6jGDnOptLF7_XB435IshodIb9i_qI-qPB_ZKU2WR2CBfymzghE0xRBWGk8nARZVesIKqWq1dTU_2yLvQ_gUeL9n4qgcmB6pmyRzbConfjpppgK05jO7VKi0AhwYJM/s400/new-mexico-settlement.JPG" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Nuevomexicano history is
often misunderstood. For most Americans, the nation’s history begins on the
East Coast where the settlers from Holland and the British Isles first arrived.
After that, it is a story of continual westward expansion. However, when
Americans from the northeast arrived in New Mexico in the 19th century, they
encountered a Spanish-speaking culture that had already been there for 250
years. Even today, many Americans are surprised to learn that there is a
European culture in the USA that was in America before the first Thanksgiving
dinner in Plymouth, Massachusetts in 1621.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">When the Nuevomexicanos
met the migrants coming from the east, they had never seen factories or trains.
Their lifestyle was not much different than that of the first peoples of the
region, the Pueblo, whom the easterners referred to as “Indians.” The word Pueblo
itself is a blanket Spanish term for diverse groups such as the Hopi, Zuni and
many others. The Nuevomexicanos co-existed relatively well with the Pueblo
compared to the relationship that developed between the Pueblo and the modern
Americans.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">The arrival of newcomers
in New Mexico caused a brutal transition for Spanish and Pueblo cultures.
Migrants brought with them banks, factories, roads and railways—all the
trappings of a way of life that depended on money and working for wages. The
newcomers refused to recognize the existing titles proving ownership of the
land.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Life in New Mexico
became stranger still when the Manhattan Project came to the small town of Los
Alamos in 1943. This was the top secret project to build the first atom bombs.
Suddenly, people with a pre-industrial culture found themselves working in the
high-tech future. While the best jobs went to scientists and engineers from
elsewhere in America, the Nuevomexicanos took jobs lower down in the
organization. Many national defense and advanced technology centers still
operate in the state, and the economy is heavily dependent on this sector. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">A resident of a village
called Truchas compared his town with Los Alamos. Both towns are at the same
elevation, directly across from one another, but one is living in the 19th
century, while the other is in the 21st and planning for the 22nd century. In Truchas,
people are just trying to get enough food to eat, making a living off the land.
In Los Alamos, you have people who are thinking about space travel and
long-term management of nuclear waste, which would be incomprehensible to the
villagers living in Truchas.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Nuevomexicanos have an
intense commitment to their cultural history. They know their culture has
evolved independently since 1598. They have a unique adaptation to modernity
that outsiders are not likely to appreciate. In fact, the English speaking
people of New Mexico, whose ancestors arrived recently in the 19th century, are
likely to think of Spanish-speakers as foreigners. They often insist that the
newcomers should learn English and adapt to American society, failing to see
that the Nuevomexicanos and Pueblo are not recently-arrived immigrants.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Anthropologists say that
the region hosts a clash of three cultures: that of the Pueblo, the
Nuevomexicanos and the modern military state. They note also the irony in the
fact that all three of these cultures are difficult for them to study because
they all place a high value on secrecy. The sacred sites of the Pueblo have
meanings that outsiders can never understand. The Nuevomexicanos have secret
religious rituals, and the scientific laboratories guard the national secrets
of nuclear weapons.<o:p></o:p></span></p></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTktNS7fJ-DR8eeH9nuUDhiHjiHikzvdkSv7cLRmSDE9Q5jpdX6cAXf0MP-RFiyWBzbYVWp8WDsV3S72GWITkBmxNj4-No5XHwN-zsVf0ip4HccMjlGEoq24uzM50rz0tY0vrRHJxtGu8/s1600/losa+alamos+death+truck.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="229" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTktNS7fJ-DR8eeH9nuUDhiHjiHikzvdkSv7cLRmSDE9Q5jpdX6cAXf0MP-RFiyWBzbYVWp8WDsV3S72GWITkBmxNj4-No5XHwN-zsVf0ip4HccMjlGEoq24uzM50rz0tY0vrRHJxtGu8/s320/losa+alamos+death+truck.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm;"><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Further
reading</span></b><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/85788899592227267/4416237712736079795"><span style="color: blue; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Toxic Legacy
of Racism and Nuclear Waste Is Very Much Still With Us in Los Alamos</span></a></span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Adapted from these sources</span></b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Joseph Masco, <i>Nuclear
Borderlands: The Manhattan Project in Post-Cold War New Mexico</i> (Princeton
University Press, 2006), 165-168.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt;">Lois Palken Rudnick, <i>Utopian
Vistas: The Mabel Dodge Luhan House and the American Counterculture</i> (University
of New Mexico Press, 1996), 336.<o:p></o:p></span></p></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-69478348439222960202016-08-21T16:11:00.000+09:002019-08-08T22:04:16.777+09:00Lesson from Nagasaki: Lighten up on Dark Tourism<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“I
see those people from Hiroshima and Nagasaki on the news every year and I
wonder why they just can’t let it go. Hasn’t it been long enough already?”<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">These words were spoken to my wife
recently by a Japanese co-worker when we returned from Nagasaki. This attitude
might seem startling to peace activists in Japan and throughout the world who participate
in memorial events every year on August 6th and 9th, but it is a sobering
reminder that many people in Japan and throughout the world have let the memory
fade, not even knowing what they don’t know about the perils of nuclear weapons
as they exist in today’s world. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In a consumer society based on employment
in a military economy, the institutions people pass through in their formative
years do very little to teach history, political consciousness or the meaning
of citizenship. Whatever lessons exist are delivered as tedious, obligatory
lectures, followed by multiple choice tests. Lessons might also have come
from elders in the form of scoldings about how tough things were during the
war, how “you youngsters” have no idea and so on. The only thing worse than no
history lessons is bad history lessons. Japanese people, in particular, may be
inured to them because of an overdose of obligatory exposure to the rituals of
remembrance.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hiroshima and Nagasaki also invoke
uncomfortable feelings of shame about losing the war, and shame about responsibility
for it. The <i>hibakusha</i> and all the
memorials in the two bombed cities evoke these conflicted feelings, so many
Japanese would rather turn away, just as many Americans would rather turn away
for inverse reasons.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While living in Japan I have met people
who talked about visiting Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but they never mentioned the
atom bomb. The only thing they wanted to talk about was the local foods they
ate, or maybe a visit to Dejima, the old Dutch and Portuguese trading post in
Nagasaki that used to be the most famous thing about the city. They talked
about these visits like they would talk about a visit to any other place.
Likewise, residents of the two cities have millions of good reasons to
appreciate everything that happened before the war and after it, all the things
that make their cities just like other cities. No one wants their city to be
just about that one traumatic thing that happened one day long ago.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I had lived in Japan for many years
before I visited either Hiroshima or Nagasaki, partly because I had other
priorities, and partly because it just felt a little strange to visit a place
just for <i>that</i>. I knew the history
quite well, but I still questioned my motives. I finally went when I had
someone to visit there, someone who just happened to be a historian who
specialized in the cultural impacts of nuclear technology. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">That was Robert Jacobs, who was interviewed
on a local Hiroshima English language podcast shortly after President Obama’s
visit to Hiroshima on May 27, 2016. During the interview he shed some light on
why people are becoming less reluctant to visit traumatized places and engage
in what has recently become known as “dark tourism:”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I met a religious studies scholar… who
said… dark tourism has replaced religious pilgrimage... Going to places where
history happened, especially traumatic history happened… gives your life more
authenticity... This has been on the rise, and it’s partly a way to infuse our
lives with meaning and connection to a world that is often at a distance from
us… to infuse your own life with a deeper sense of the importance of
peace because you’ve been to some place where peace is so important. It’s an
emotional and a spiritual renewal to go to places like that, and the use of the
word “dark” doesn’t mean that there is a dark meaning. It just means that it’s
sites of historical trauma. People go there not to gawk at trauma or death but
because these are the sites that resonate in our mythology of the world we live
in. Religious sites don’t resonate so much the way that they used to, but
people like to visit places that give their lives a sense of being connected to
mythic things. In our lives the mythic things are often large historical
tragedies, and in coming to a place like Hiroshima... “dark” just implies a
place where a dark thing happened, but the motives of the people who come here are to increase their sense of connectedness and their sense of meaning...
People will invoke having been to Hiroshima as a means of having authority.
They will say, “I’ve been to Hiroshima… I can tell you about how bad nuclear
weapons are...” These are empowering reasons that people visit… The phrase “dark
tourism” certainly doesn’t imply that the motives of people are in any way
dark. [1]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There could be a downside to claiming
authority just because one has visited a place where something bad happened. It
depends on what one learns about the entire context of the traumatic event. Visitors
to Hiroshima could leave with widely divergent interpretations of what happened
there in 1945. In the end there is much to be said for a pilgrimage to a local
library in order to connect and infuse one’s life with a deeper connection to
history.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I can say that my visits to Hiroshima
and Nagasaki achieved something that was missing in all that I knew about what
happened there in August 1945. No matter how much I had learned from books and
films and second-hand reports, it didn’t become fully real in a certain sense
until I could confirm it with my own senses, when I stood at ground zero,
walked through the cities, visited the museums, and talked to eyewitnesses to
the events. That’s what is meant by “connection.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">One of the great things about both
cities is the streetcars. They still run down the routes that existed in 1945,
and though they must have been rebuilt and refurbished many times since then,
they haven’t been modernized. They look, and feel, and sound just like the
streetcars of old, and they are the means by which most visitors get from the
central train stations to the atomic bomb memorial sites.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDHrPOfHEFXByMbU5evv7NNL0-76fpyxdRmAvZUouFH2VxfqIobEcun2o2ajjhXzP7WNeIhZp3lsXdN0ZHCjJ-zT3cpFtnhLYcopHiiUjkAzU9JskHQ2jA7oHckSuk_cOt8r5svFbvqss/s1600/nagasaki-streetcars.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDHrPOfHEFXByMbU5evv7NNL0-76fpyxdRmAvZUouFH2VxfqIobEcun2o2ajjhXzP7WNeIhZp3lsXdN0ZHCjJ-zT3cpFtnhLYcopHiiUjkAzU9JskHQ2jA7oHckSuk_cOt8r5svFbvqss/s320/nagasaki-streetcars.JPG" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On August 8th I rode the streetcar in
Nagasaki with my wife and son, from downtown to the Urakami district where the
museum and hypocenter are located. As we got closer the streetcar became very
crowded, as groups of students were in town to attend the annual memorial the
next day. I was standing, and my wife and son were sitting. A white-haired woman
in her late eighties got on. She was stooping over a cane, but she pushed her
way through the crowded aisle with considerable force. I tapped my son and told
him to give up his seat. She took it with quick smile of gratitude then immediately
began to talk to my wife: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Everyone’s going to the Peace Park
today. That’s good. Good to see so many young people here… I wasn’t here that
day. I was living down the line in Sasebo, but I had been called up to work in
a factory here. For some reason I didn’t have to go to work that day. But then
later I was told to get to Nagasaki and report for work. I got down to Sasebo
station, and when that train from Nagasaki came in, people just fell out of it
and collapsed right there on the platform, never got up again. Piles of them,
blackened and sick. They just spilled out of the train car. I’ve never seen
people in such a horrid state. Every city was getting bombed. We expected it,
but obviously something very strange had happened in Nagasaki. I didn’t ride
the train that day, but I went later… Sorry, I’m talking a lot, but I have to.
Tomorrow the prime minister will come and make his speech again. So useless. We
are really disappointed in him. I never used to talk to strangers like this,
but now I talk to everyone because we have to. There are so few of us left.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Obviously, this is a translation and a
paraphrase of a conversation recalled by my wife and related to me when we got
off the streetcar. The reader may think I’ve embellished it, but this was the
gist of it: the determination to tell the story, the need to condemn the
present direction of the country, and thus the loss of all concern about what
anyone might think about the unsolicited sharing of these stories with
strangers on a streetcar. Looking back on it now, it seems to be the best way
to explain to that smug, ignorant co-worker why people can’t and don’t have to “just
get over it.” The experience also taught me why people should dare to be “dark
tourists” and take in everything they see and hear when they visit places of
historical trauma, whether it’s Auschwitz, Hiroshima or Wounded Knee. In this
case, there was nothing like getting the story firsthand on a Nagasaki
streetcar.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Our short visit to the city had other
highlights. I was invited to join </span><a href="http://peacephilosophy.blogspot.jp/p/hiroshimanagasaki-summer-tour-2012.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">a
study tour</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> led by the historian of American University, Peter Kuznick
(co-author of </span><a href="http://apjjf.org/-Peter-J.-Kuznick/4774/article.html" target="_parent"><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Untold History of the United States</span></i></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),
and there I met his students and others from Kyoto’s Ritsumeikan University. A
famous spokesperson for the <i>hibakusha</i> community was also there,
71-year-old <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koko_Kondo" target="_parent">Koko
Tanimoto Kondo</a>, who has devoted her life to speaking about the atomic
bombings in both Japanese and English. Her father was Reverend Kiyoshi
Tanimoto, [2] a Methodist minister who was portrayed in John Hersey’s<i> Hiroshima</i>,
the first report that exposed American audiences to the horror of what had
happened on the ground on August 6th, 1945. [3][4] Reverend Tanimoto began a
campaign to have nations dedicate August 6th as World Peace Day, and Koko, who
was only eight months old at the end of the war, continued her father’s mission
as she grew older.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Another <i>hibakusha, </i>Kazutoshi Otsuka<i>,</i>
spoke to the study group about the life he has devoted to telling the world
about the necessity of abolishing nuclear weapons. He was ten years old at the
time of the blast, and survived because he was at the edge of the zone of worst
damage and was indoors at the time. He emerged from the debris that had fallen
over him to find the city in ruins, utterly transformed from what it had been
just a short time ago. The downtown area had been spared, but in Urakami almost
all the buildings and thousands of people had just vanished. The last human
voice he heard before the blast was his friend calling from outside, “The
cicadas are singing. Let’s go catch some.” Did he die instantly in the blast?
Did he run home and get caught in the fires? Did he die more slowly from
radiation? Mr. Otsuka searched for his friend for a long time afterward, but it
became obvious that he had vanished on the wind just like the last words he had
spoken. For seventy-one years, while he has told his story to all who will listen,
Mr. Otsuka has carried with him those simple words of invitation from his friend to enjoy a
summer day.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The most famous icon of the atomic
attacks is the Hiroshima Dome, one of the few structures left standing, but one
which was almost demolished in the rush to rebuild the city and erase all signs
of what had happened there. Those who wanted it saved had a hard time
convincing city hall that it would be worthwhile to preserve it. There is
nothing similar in Nagasaki, except for some portions of the walls of Shiroyama
Elementary School near the hypocenter. Like the dome in Hiroshima, its position
directly under the blast allowed it to be not completely demolished by the
lateral blast force. After the fires were out, the remnants of the school on a
small hill stood as the only desolate reminder of all that had been in this
section of the city called Urakami. However, it wasn’t as photogenic as the
Hiroshima Dome, and Nagasaki is more out of the way and receives fewer visitors,
so it never became an iconic symbol of the atom bomb. In any case, the rebuilt
school still functions as a school, so it wouldn’t be able to deal with a
constant stream of visitors.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0GrA7TDih7Gt-Ptw_8GyRA8OKbLzt3F3UAfy_JOlWv9qV4E-ihdVYTjPYZcYStQakxhLKrjcartw-orprGiVnmuj4eXbnQfRme5iUI7mREOEoSVjO-oBwUgI0zY_GRBs4SfrtQkBH1ug/s1600/IMG_1839.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0GrA7TDih7Gt-Ptw_8GyRA8OKbLzt3F3UAfy_JOlWv9qV4E-ihdVYTjPYZcYStQakxhLKrjcartw-orprGiVnmuj4eXbnQfRme5iUI7mREOEoSVjO-oBwUgI0zY_GRBs4SfrtQkBH1ug/s320/IMG_1839.JPG" width="240" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The original wall with the new school built around it.</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We learned that every year on August
9th the school holds a remembrance ceremony for students, the community, and
any visitors who wish to attend. The students all come back for a day from
their summer vacations and dress up in formal attire in the 30-degree humidity.
It is a mourning ceremony, so the adults wear black funeral suits and dresses. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">My wife and I decided to get up early on
the 9th and take our son to the ceremony. We had attended many Japanese school
ceremonies with our children before, and this one was just like all the rest,
but so different from all others as well. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A steep staircase leads up to the
school, and Koko Tanimoto was already there at the top, beaming a welcoming
smile to us. There was something from her father in that smile because she made
it feel like we were being welcomed to church on a Sunday morning. We walked
around the grounds and looked inside the restored section that holds artifacts and memorials for the disappeared. In a grove of trees just off the sports
ground they still sometimes find bone chips a few inches down in the soil.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCZ_CU0DyBVpoX82n9R-Jd6h00JTPKuv4QKAmFPUV3Fu194qBAbFjKRSoBYTgkFPfL1Wk4-SE_KgBQvNA992OgtdH9fNEpRNAUJ5SUUxOtOAjMo_h2N4acsRhIMFjYJvaOZKQKRgczw8Y/s1600/IMG_1857.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCZ_CU0DyBVpoX82n9R-Jd6h00JTPKuv4QKAmFPUV3Fu194qBAbFjKRSoBYTgkFPfL1Wk4-SE_KgBQvNA992OgtdH9fNEpRNAUJ5SUUxOtOAjMo_h2N4acsRhIMFjYJvaOZKQKRgczw8Y/s320/IMG_1857.JPG" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">After the ceremony, a teacher talks to a group of students about the grove. </td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In his speech at the ceremony, the
principal said everything one would expect at such an occasion, going over the
events of that day and the weeks and months that followed, and the eventual
rebuilding of the school and the city. Several times he mentioned “passing the
baton,” stressing to the children their heavy responsibility to carry on the
memory that all other graduates of the school have carried into their adult
lives.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiStX-yK4xgFlsmSO6w3JmikRB-a5M8u6vjl71EfQtgg5L8JP_fC3nA0mXOuXmFY-svfrWmBMj5Pv9LMOB6QhvBdQRM0suSDF1lMnRizt4XWM7WG9ETSMYMyBmz7FHbiGimGK8_IACvWRg/s1600/IMG_1845.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiStX-yK4xgFlsmSO6w3JmikRB-a5M8u6vjl71EfQtgg5L8JP_fC3nA0mXOuXmFY-svfrWmBMj5Pv9LMOB6QhvBdQRM0suSDF1lMnRizt4XWM7WG9ETSMYMyBmz7FHbiGimGK8_IACvWRg/s320/IMG_1845.JPG" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Shiroyama Elementary School, in the days after the bombing.</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Around the third time I heard that word
<i>baton</i>, I began to feel uneasy about
it. I started to wonder how many people had gone through that school wondering “Why
us?” They didn’t drop the bomb. They didn’t ask for this burden, and they must
wonder why the whole country and the whole world is not doing more to pass this
baton to future generations. I didn’t visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki, or make
friends in the peace movement, suffering from any delusions that it is easy to
change the world. I think most of my fellow travelers and the <i>hibakusha</i> feel the same. We know what we
are up against, and we know how badly the masters of war have betrayed us. The <i>hibakusha’s</i> commitment to peace makes
for a paradoxical taboo against expressing anger and rage, but I suspect the
survivors have reached old age bitterly aware that the world has done far too
little to act on their call for the elimination of nuclear weapons. It must
feel like cruel mockery as they reach their later years. There were many
hopeful periods, such as the thaw between Khrushchev and Kennedy that was
emerging just before JFK’s assassination, or the end of the Warsaw Pact in the
late 1980s, but each time, to borrow a line from Leonard Cohen, the holy dove was
caught again, bought and sold, and bought again. [5] <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There must have been very many angry <i>hibakusha</i> over the decades, people who
kept their rage contained within them, people who drank, people who became
outcasts or extremists, but the openly angry people never got invited to
official ceremonies. One can only speculate about the motives of the anonymous person
who threatened to bomb Shiroyama Elementary School and other schools in
Nagasaki in August 2016 (at least there was an advance warning), but it speaks
to a very perverse disdain that exists in some people toward the victims rather
than the perpetrators. [6] <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Overt anger has been kept out of sight,
but an acceptable outlet for covert anger is mainstream politics, where those
in the ruling party dream of restoring the glory of the empire and their notion
of “national honor” while accumulating plutonium from “the peaceful atom” and biding
their time under American subservience. This is how contemporary Japanese
society developed its neurotic ambivalence about its history and place in the
world.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The various forms of anger have been
reported by other writers who know the experiences of <i>hibakusha</i> well. Shortly after President Obama’s speech in
Hiroshima, the journalist and filmmaker John Pilger had this to say:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">… the cynicism of great power and great
reckless power, in many respects is expressed at Hiroshima where… all the
evidence shows that both Hiroshima and Nagasaki were sacrificed as America’s
first expressions of violent power in the Cold War that was then underway. So
for Obama to go and talk about the atomic bombs as if God dropped them... He
used the passive voice… and really quite vomitus language like “we must have
the courage to care.” So [according to Obama] no one dropped the atomic bombs.
The United States certainly didn’t kill all those hundreds of thousands of
people. It didn’t cause all that suffering. It’s something that we should all
express sympathy to. It was like a kind of high mass and the great divinity was
there, but not the United States. That [the US] is not to blame. That’s been
Obama’s role as a PR man extraordinaire, and he came into power and people fell
on their knees… This was a kind of second coming. There was a problem for the
last few years with re-igniting Afghanistan and Iraq, and destroying Libya and
so on, but the fawning has begun again as Obama’s time in office nears an end,
and for people, for journalists to report--as I say the deeply cynical action of
Obama and the United States in Hiroshima the other day--to report it without the
context of all those survivors–and I’ve interviewed many of them--of how angry
they were… they’re polite people and they’re very elderly… but they were angry.
[7]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Two months later <i>The Mainichi</i> reported more precisely on this anger in describing
how the secretary-general of the Japan Confederation of A-and H-Bomb Sufferers
Organizations regretted his initial praise of Obama’s speech when he had time
to read an accurate translation the next day:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Terumi Tanaka, 84, was in attendance on
May 27 this year when Obama was making what was the first visit of a sitting
U.S. president to Hiroshima…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There was an interpreter for Obama’s
speech, but the speech was not handed out on paper… Sentences from the latter
part of the speech, such as his reference to a future in which “Hiroshima and
Nagasaki are known ... as the start of our own moral awakening,” had stuck with
him, and he praised the sentence as “excellent words.” He noted, however, that
he was “disappointed” that Obama had said, “We may not realize this goal (of a
world without nuclear weapons) in my lifetime.” The next morning… Tanaka opened
a page containing the Japanese translation of the speech. It began, “Seventy-one
years ago, on a bright cloudless morning, death fell from the sky and the world
was changed.” Tanaka was stunned. “Death did not ‘fall from the sky.’ This is
making the death abstract. This is absolutely unacceptable,” Tanaka thought.
While on board the train he opened his laptop and began to write his “Essay of
Regret.” As he typed, erased and retyped, he says, “I began to get angry and
stopped midway. They ‘created’ the death. As a sign of apology, I want them to
eliminate nuclear weapons,” he says. [8]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Another expression of this anger came
from Setsuko Thurlow, a <i>hibakusha</i> who
has lived for many years in Toronto. She was received at the White House in
June, where she met the man who wrote the Hiroshima speech and hand-delivered a
message for the president in which she listed the concrete measures that need
to be taken to make the speech amount to more than aspirational fluff:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">1. Stop the U.S. boycott of
international nuclear disarmament meetings and join the 127 countries that have
endorsed the Humanitarian Pledge to create a new legal instrument and new norms
for a nuclear weapons ban treaty as a first step in their elimination and
prohibition.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">2. Stop spending money to modernize the
US nuclear arsenal, a staggering $1 trillion over the next three decades, and
use this money to meet human needs and protect our environment.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">3. Take nuclear weapons off high alert
and review the aging command and control systems that have been the subject of
recent research exposing a culture of neglect and the alarming regularity of
accidents involving nuclear weapons. [9]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Much more could be said by the <i>hibakusha</i> community about issues not
relating directly to disarmament, such as the worsening mistrust between the
nuclear powers and the proliferation of conventional military power that leads
so many nations to favor the “cheap and easy” asymmetrical nuclear deterrent. [10]
The obstacles to peace are stacked high, and anger seems to be the only logical
response. But I will hold onto the memory of Koko Tanimoto smiling at the top of those
stairs at Shiroyama, greeting the late pilgrims like me who’ve finally decided
to make this simple journey.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Notes<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[1] J.J. Walsh, interviewer, “</span><a href="http://gethiroshima.com/features/bojacobs-post-obama-interview/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Professor
Bo Jacobs on the Obama Visit,” <i>Get
Hiroshima</i></span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, May 30, 2016, 18:00~ <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[2] “<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZZYx4syf2oY">Hiroshima
Survivor Meets Enola Gay Pilot</a>,” <i>This
is Your Life</i>, 1955. The full interview with Reverend Tanimoto can be viewed
on YouTube.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[3] Robert Jacobs, “</span><a href="http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue24/jacobs.htm"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Reconstructing
the Perpetrator’s Soul by Reconstructing the Victim’s Body: The
Portrayal of the ‘Hiroshima Maidens’ by the Mainstream Media in the United
States</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,” <i>Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia
and the Pacific</i>, Issue 24, June 2010.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[4] Tadatoshi Akiba, L. Wittner and T.
Taue, “</span><a href="http://apjjf.org/-Tadatoshi-Akiba/2492/article.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Why
Hiroshima and Nagasaki Day Events Matter</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,” <i>Asia Pacific Journal</i>, August 1, 2007.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[5] Leonard Cohen, “Anthem,” <i>The Future</i>, Columbia Records, 1992.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[6] “‘</span><a href="http://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/AJ201608180036.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hibakusha’
talks scrapped after Nagasaki bomb threat</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,” <i>Asahi Shinbun</i>, August 18, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[7] Afshin Rattansi, interviewer, “</span><a href="https://www.rt.com/shows/going-underground/345405-whistle-blowers-isis-fallujah/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">ISIS in Fallujah & World War III with John
Pilger (Episode 350 of <i>Going Underground</i>)</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,” <i>Russia
Today</i>, June 4, 2016. What John Pilger described as a “passive voice”
construction could more accurately be called a usage of an intransitive verb
which conceals the agent of the action. The speech writer had various
syntactical choices available: <i>President
Truman ordered the bombs to be dropped</i> or <i>The crew of the Enola Gay dropped the bomb</i>, <i>The bomb fell</i> or, at the level of greatest possible abstraction, <i>Death fell from the sky</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[8] Terumi Tanaka, “</span><a href="http://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20160802/p2a/00m/0na/018000c"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Hibakusha: A-bomb sufferers’ group official regrets
praising Obama speech</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,”</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
<i>The Mainichi</i>, August 2, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[9] <i><a href="http://www.icanw.org/campaign-news/to-barack-obama-from-setsuko-thurlow/">To
Barack Obama from Setsuko Thurlow</a></i>, International Campaign to Abolish
Nuclear Weapons, August 6, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[10] Richard Rhodes, <i>Arsenals
of Folly: The Making of the Nuclear Arms Race</i> (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007),
101. Many who favor nuclear deterrence believe that it has prevented a third
world war that would have been fought with a massive arsenal of conventional
weapons, with millions of casualties. In this argument, a nuclear arsenal is
preferable, and it comes at a bargain price for nations large and small. Rhodes’
book argues for abolition of nuclear arms, but he noted how their “low cost” (not considering what economists call “externalities”) became
a rationale for their development: “Nuclear warheads cost the United States about
$250,000 each: less than a fighter bomber, less than a missile, less than a patrol
boat, less than a tank.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-67530880583546888742016-08-14T21:52:00.000+09:002017-01-10T14:29:25.990+09:00The Nuclear Age in Dylan and the Beats<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-top: 9.0pt; mso-outline-level: 3;">
<b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">The
Nuclear Age in Dylan and the Beats <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">If you
look at all these early performers, they were atom-bomb-fueled… They were fast
and furious, their songs were all on the edge. Music was never like that
before.</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;">- Bob
Dylan, 2007</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I learned
about atomic weapons and the potential of nuclear war at a young age, and I was
sometimes puzzled that people could carry on like the threat didn’t exist. Then
again, the point is that I was only <i>sometimes</i> puzzled. Most of the
time I was getting on with my life, like everyone else. I lived through the
Cuban Missile Crisis, Reagan’s “Star Wars” initiative, and Chernobyl, but it
was the Fukushima meltdowns too close to my home that got my attention and made
the nuclear threat unforgettable.</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgzNF14Fg1nddL_xfjlKTaJQakiX3v0F9_2qq_PXbx1-ClaqFY8B-KvwtnVxXq_0V3AwogxFYVMmKjsKfpDxw-PHvAqrggKCgWalZhEGaMMmo2bN9S8oGtPEO0MA2Ajl7HBgR9bt-4J6Mo/s1600/desolation+row.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="176" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgzNF14Fg1nddL_xfjlKTaJQakiX3v0F9_2qq_PXbx1-ClaqFY8B-KvwtnVxXq_0V3AwogxFYVMmKjsKfpDxw-PHvAqrggKCgWalZhEGaMMmo2bN9S8oGtPEO0MA2Ajl7HBgR9bt-4J6Mo/s400/desolation+row.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><h3 class="title" style="background-color: white; text-align: start;">
<a href="http://americandigest.org/mt-archives/inverse/the_illustrated.php" target="_blank">from The Illustrated Desolation Row</a></h3>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">It might
seem that most people live as they did before the 1940s, concerned with their
families, traditional beliefs, jobs and where to take their next vacation. We
hear about close calls like the Cuban Missile Crisis, and bluffs by crazy world
leaders like Kim Jong-un or Richard Nixon, that remind us of the dangers of
nuclear warfare. There is the occasional nuclear power plant meltdown, but it
seems to be impossible for humanity to sustain a persistent awareness that
nuclear war, or just a colossal accident in a spent fuel storage pool, could wipe
out civilization—and it is probably a good thing that we can put these worries
aside. Nonetheless, the awareness is always there at some level and it has had
profound effects on history, culture, and consciousness.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">The
atomic age came with the establishment of the American world economic order.
The Bretton Woods agreement set the stage for a dollar-denominated global
economy, and that economy was based on military spending and nuclear weapons
build-up. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Space
exploration, telecommunications research, and computer innovation were all
directly or indirectly products of the nuclear arms race. The Soviets and the
Chinese were ostensibly not part of this new American world order, but they had
to militarize their societies to keep up with the Americans. The atom bomb changed
everything, and it is still at the forefront of the major issues of this
century. The intractable conflicts in the Middle East are shaped by who has a
nuclear deterrent and who does not.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">One of
the best ways to understand the impact of the nuclear age is to see how it has
affected art and popular culture. Sometimes the influence is explicit, but usually
it is implicit in everything around us. The technocratic, militarized security
state is present in every work of art. Comic books and science fiction B-movies
offer many examples of how nuclear danger couldn’t be confronted consciously—it
appeared subconsciously as mutant monsters, blobs and aliens. In other cases,
it was an explicit element of the story. Whereas traditionally children’s
stories resorted to magic and spells to give characters special powers, the
progress of rational science now provided the transformational power, and,
ironically, the superstitious nonsense. A rich comic book and movie franchise
was established by the bite of a radioactive spider. Spy novels and popular
music are other genres that offer thousands of works with Cold War and
nuclear-age themes. These influences on the arts and popular culture have been
covered in books such as <i>The Dragon’s Tail: Americans Face the Atomic Age</i>,
[1] and the famous documentary film <i>Atomic
Café</i>. [2]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">There is
insufficient space here to cover a wide range of nuclear age art and literature,
but the best place to start is at the source, with the writers of the 1940s who
grasped how the world had changed and were the first to raise the rebel yell. They
influenced everyone who came later in the baby boom generation. These artists
saw the wartime alliance with the Soviet Union breaking down and heading in an
ominous direction. There were pockets of resistance in the political discourse
from former officials in the Roosevelt administration, but these would soon be
silenced and pushed out of power. The former vice president, Henry Wallace,
made an urgent speech in 1946 trying to steer foreign policy away from confrontation
with the Soviet Union:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 42.55pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">The only kind of competition we want with the Soviet Union is to
demonstrate that we can raise our standard of living faster during the next 20
years than Russia. We shall compete with Russia in serving the spiritual and
physical needs of the common man… Let’s make it a clean race, a determined race
but above all a peaceful race in the service of humanity… The source of all our
mistakes is fear. …Russia fears Anglo-Saxon encirclement. We fear communist
penetration. If these fears continue, the day will come when our sons and
grandsons will pay for these fears with rivers of blood. Out of fear great
nations have been acting like cornered beasts, thinking only of survival. …A
month ago Mr. Churchill came out for the Anglo-Saxon century. Four years ago I
repudiated the American century. Today I repudiate the Anglo-Saxon century with
even greater vigor. The common people of the world will not tolerate a
recrudescence of imperialism even under enlightened Anglo-Saxon, atomic bomb
auspices. The destiny of the English speaking people is to serve the world, not
dominate it. [3]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Wallace
was soon fired from Truman’s cabinet, a demotion which came after having lost
the vice presidential nomination at the 1944 Democratic convention, thanks to
manipulation of the vote by party bosses. Thus the writers of the late 1940s
picked up on the warnings made by progressives like Wallace. William S.
Burroughs, who by odd coincidence attended a high school that was later
converted to the Los Alamos Laboratory where the first atom bombs were made, said
of his own writing years later:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">This is science fiction, but it is science fiction in terms of
what is actually here now. I have nova conspiracies, nova police, nova
criminals... The virus power manifests itself in many ways: in the construction
of nuclear weapons, in practically all existing political systems which are
aimed at curtailing inner freedom, that is, at control. It manifests itself in
the extreme drabness of everyday life in Western countries. It manifests itself
in the ugliness and vulgarity we see on every hand, and of course, it manifests
itself in the actual virus illnesses. On the other hand, the partisans are
everywhere, of all races and nations. A partisan may simply be defined as any
individual who is aware of the enemy, of their methods of operations, and who
is actively engaged in combating the enemy. You must learn who and what the
enemy is, their weapons and methods of operation. The enemy is in you. [4]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Burroughs’
familiars were fellow writers Allen Ginsberg and Jack Kerouac. All of them had lived
on both sides of 1945, so they were well positioned to witness how the atom
bomb had transformed society. In the Ginsberg biography<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>American Scream</i>, Jonah Raskin
wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 42.55pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-size: 13.3333px; text-indent: 18.9333px;">“</span>Nineteen forty-eight was the crucial postwar year,” Ginsberg
explained. “It was the turning point. Of course the atom bomb had already gone
off in 1945, and Kerouac and Burroughs and I had talked about it, but the
psychological fallout from the bomb—the consciousness—didn’t really hit until
1948. There was the splitting of the atom and the splitting of the old
structures of society and also a sense of the inner world splitting up and
coming apart.” Like many other writers around the world, Ginsberg turned the
atom bomb into an all-inclusive metaphor. Everywhere he looked he saw
apocalypse and atomization. [5]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Ginsberg
believed the bomb had caused a “psychic disturbance” among his friends, fueling
their despair and subsequent drug use. In his journals, Kerouac labeled the
spiritual crisis the “atomic disease.” [6] In his writing and his actions,
Kerouac showed no interest in politics, or protests and petitions of any kind.
Some said his intent was never to save America but to praise its joys and
eulogize it, as if the existence of the atom bomb had doomed it. However, William
Burroughs said about his influence, “By their fruits ye shall know them, not by
their disclaimers.” He believed that Kerouac had inspired a worldwide movement
that took his work to the next logical step, an activism which aimed to better
the world, not merely fatalistically eulogize it. [7]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Kerouac
described his writing as a holy calling, a command from God to “go moan for man”
and be “as minute as a seed in the pod” in doing so. [8] Indeed, he may have
been one of many humble seeds, for the more powerful forces in the disarmament
movement arose later, some secular, some religious such as Plowshares (still
spilling blood on nuclear installations in the 21st century) and evangelical
Christian groups. It is impossible to know what the alternate history would
have been, but it is plausible that nuclear annihilation was averted only
because of the resistance of millions of citizens who forced political leaders
to step back from the brink. Speaking at the United Nations General Assembly in
New York in 2015, Pope Francis echoed Henry Wallace’s speech when he declared:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 42.55pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">An ethics and a law based on the threat of mutual destruction—and
possibly the destruction of all mankind—are self-contradictory and an affront
to the entire framework of the United Nations, which would end up as “nations
united by fear and distrust”. There is urgent need to work for a world free of
nuclear weapons, in full application of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, in letter
and spirit, with the goal of a complete prohibition of these weapons. [9]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Even in
Kerouac’s final year, when his talent and his relevance were said to have been
drowned in terminal stage alcoholism, he could show flashes of wit and a flair
for bringing attention to the existential problem that the chattering classes
preferred to ignore. In an appearance on William F. Buckley’s show<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Firing Line</i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>in 1968, [10] he joined a panel
discussion seeking a definition of “the hippie movement.” One could say that Kerouac
was pathetic in this appearance, offending everyone and at times incapable of
speech. But even drunk and diminished as he was, he could still play the holy
fool. He may have been aware of what was going on but just couldn’t stomach the
political discourse and the inanity of the questions about hippies and
beatniks.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Buckley
asked him if the hippie movement was “Adamite” (aspiring to a state of purity
like Adam in the Garden,) but Kerouac was confused by this flaunting of obscure
vocabulary (a habit of Buckley’s that annoyed his critics). He asked with
puzzlement, “Adamite? You mean Adam and Eve, or atom? What? Adam and Eve? What’s
Adamite? They wear their hair long, in layers? Live in caves?”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">“Yeah,
sort of, and back to nature and...”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">“Well,
that’s alright. We might have to in due time—after the a<i>tom</i>ite bomb!
Haha!”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Buckley
flashed a smile, “That was good. Give that man a drink.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">So here,
even at the end of his road, Kerouac was harkening back to what he had felt in
the 1940s on a journey to Mexico City. His evocation of the atom bomb in the
final pages of<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>On the Road</i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>reveals the reason the characters have
refused to chase the post-war prosperity on offer in mid-century America. All
the preceding delinquency and mad wanderings of these “best minds of a
generation,” as Ginsberg referred to them, now seem to be explained by a
painful consciousness of the destiny of the world. This is also the moment of
the story when the narrator becomes conscious of the failure within. They
have rebelled against their society, but they are also the flawed products of America
now carousing through a foreign land. The search for freedom and God has gone
hand in hand with utter irresponsibility. As Burroughs would say, this is the
recognition that the virus is in them too. Behind them lies a trail of
abandoned wives and children, not to mention a few stolen cars. To the natives
coming down from the hills, and the pimps and the women in the whorehouse they
visit, they are just<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>yanquis</i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>with dollars in their pockets. Kerouac
shifts our attention back to where it needs to be, to the aboriginal peoples of
the world who have endured and paid the costs of Western civilization’s
suicidal rivalries:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 42.55pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Strange crossroad towns on top of the world rolled by, with
shawled Indians watching us from under hatbrims and rebozos. All had their
hands outstretched. They had come down from the backmountains and higher places
to hold forth their hands for something they thought civilization could offer
and they never dreamed the sadness and poor broken delusion of it. They didn’t
know that a bomb had come that could crack all our bridges and banks and reduce
them to jumbles like the avalanche heap, and we would be as poor as them
someday and stretching out our hands in the samesame way. [11]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Bob Dylan
was inspired by <i>On the Road</i> before he
hit the road on his famous trek from Minnesota to Greenwich Village, and Alan
Ginsberg later befriended him when he recognized him as an heir to the Beat poets.
Dylan spoke about the effect of the nuclear age on music in an interview with
Jann Wenner in <i>Rolling Stone</i> magazine in 2007:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">It wouldn’t have made sense to talk to somebody
back then [in the 1920s and 1930s], to ask him, “What was it like in the late
1800s or 1900s?” It wouldn’t have interested anybody. But for some reason, the
1950s and 1960s interest people now. A part of the reason, if not the whole
reason, is the atom bomb. The atom bomb fueled the entire world that came after
it. It showed that indiscriminate killing and indiscriminate homicide on a mass
level was possible… I’m sure that fueled all aspects of society. I know it gave
rise to the music we were playing. If you look at all these early performers,
they were atom-bomb-fueled. Jerry Lee [Great Balls of Fire], Carl Perkins [Blue
Suede Shoes], Buddy Holly [Rave On], Elvis [Shake, Rattle and Roll], Gene
Vincent [Be-Bop-A-Lula], Eddie Cochran [Summertime Blues]… They were fast and
furious, their songs were all on the edge. Music was never like that before.
Lyrically, you had the blues singers, but Ma Rainey wasn’t singing about,
nobody was singing with that type of fire and destruction. They paid a heavy
price for that, because obviously the older generation took notice and kind of
got rid of them as quickly as they could recognize them. Jerry Lee got
ostracized, Chuck Berry went to jail, Elvis, of course, we know what happened
to him. Buddy Holly in a plane crash, Little Richard, all that stuff.</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Wenner: Then in this new
record [Modern Times], you’re
still dealing with the cultural effects of the bomb?<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">I think so.[12]</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Dylan was
reminding us of the socially disruptive power of the bomb that was first
noticed in the late 1940s. This view of the world passed from the Beat
Generation, to Dylan, then to the rock music of the 1960s. Pete Townshend of
The Who looked back on the era in the same way as Dylan, in an interview with
Barbara Walters and others on the TV talk program <i>The View</i>, in 2012:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">As a young kid, walking around in my neighborhood,
all of the older boys had been told… “Here’s a gun, go and kill the enemy.” We
had none of that. What we had was, “There’s this bomb. We dropped it in on
Japan. War is over. We now have an even bigger one. The Russians have it. We’re
all doomed.” That was what I grew up with. So in a sense, the sound of the war,
the sound of the bombers—I wanted my music to speak of that. That was the
umbrella, the cloud that we grew up in in West London. And I know you guys had
it too, so when we brought our music to America—although your situation wasn’t
as acutely bad immediately after the war—the one thing that triggered was the
anger and the revolution and the reaction in the music. It really chimed with
our audience here. [13]</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Dylan and
Townshend are not saying here that everyone was thinking directly about
Armageddon all the time, or that Elvis was an avid reader of <i>The
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists</i>. None of the songs on <i>Modern Times, </i>and
hardly any other music of the last sixty years<i>,</i> is explicitly
concerned with nuclear arms. They are about characters living in this world
where things have changed, where there are direct and indirect effects of the
atom bomb throughout our culture.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">As the
music became “fast and furious,” so did the pace of social change. If further
examples of the modern interest in this era are needed, consider the present popularity
of cable television series like <i>Mad Men</i> (set in the early 1960s)
and <i>The Americans </i>(set in the dying days of the Cold War), or the fact that my freshman
students in Japan listen to 1970s progressive rock, or even Bob Dylan
sometimes. There is still intense interest in these decades that made the
modern world.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">After the
atomic bomb, people were on the move in the perpetually militarized, mobilized
and technological security state. Jack Kerouac was <i>On the Road </i>and
Allan Ginsberg was <i>Howl</i>ing. People became much more inclined to
question the authority and tradition that were filling the atmosphere with
nuclear fallout. By the time the first post-war generation came of age,
everything was being questioned. The establishment pushed back hard, but the
Cold War unraveled in unexpected ways regardless. The danger seemed to be
resolved, but it never really was. The present destruction of Syria is seldom
recognized as a post-communist resurgence of the Cold War, a proxy war that could
escalate into something much worse under more reckless leadership. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">In spite
of the first Cold War having apparently ended in 1989, thousands of nuclear
weapons are still ready to launch within thirty minutes.
Barack Obama has a Nobel Peace Prize for once having said some fine words about
nuclear disarmament, but since receiving this prize he has achieved nothing on
this issue. America backed out of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in 2002,
and nuclear arms reductions have been stalled since the 1990s. Meanwhile, the
US and NATO have expanded eastward toward Russia while at the same time
perversely calling the country encroached upon not an enemy but a new “adversary.”
China is antagonized in a similar fashion when the US Secretary of Defense
talks about defending “freedom of the seas” in waters 10,000 kilometers from
North America.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">In
addition to the threat of nuclear war, the leftovers of the civilian nuclear
project might be enough to cause a global catastrophe in slow motion. Seventy
years of nuclear waste has piled up with no place to go. Hundreds of aging
nuclear power plants will need to be decommissioned in the coming decades, and
it would be naïve to think there won’t be another level 7, or an off-the-scale
disaster at one or more of them before they are safely put to rest. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Returning
to Dylan, it is worth noting that his catalog contains numerous songs on the
subjects of politics, war, decline and apocalypse. These compositions include Chimes of Freedom, Desolation Row, High
Water, It’s All Good, It’s Alright Ma, Let Me Die in My Footsteps, Man of
Peace, Masters of War, Political World, Slow Train, Talking World War III Blues,
With God on Our Side, and </span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wCGoOPM2_x0" target="_blank"><span style="color: windowtext; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">A Hard Rain’s A-Gonna Fall</span></a></span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">. The lyrics of Hard
Rain, excerpted below, are some of the most explicitly apocalyptic of Dylan’s
songs:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">I’ve stepped in the middle of seven sad
forests<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">I’ve been out in front of a dozen dead
oceans<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">I’ve been ten thousand miles in the
mouth of a graveyard<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">And it’s a hard, and it’s a hard, it’s
a hard, and it’s a hard<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">And it’s a hard rain’s a gonna fall</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Because of
these lines, and because the song was written at the height of Cold War
tensions in the early 1960s, many people thought the “hard rain” referred to a nuclear
fallout rain. Dylan denied this in an interview when he said: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">No, it’s not atomic rain, it’s just a hard rain. It
isn’t the fallout rain. I mean some sort of end that’s just gotta happen... In
the last verse, when I say, ‘the pellets of poison are flooding the waters’,
that means all the lies that people get told on their radios and in their newspapers.
[14]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 42.55pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">“Some sort of end
that’s just gotta happen.” These few words explain much about where Dylan went
with his music in the years that followed. He stopped writing the genre of “protest”
songs he had invented, and refused to speak for causes or take sides in ideological
battles. He lived with his family in seclusion in upstate New York during the
height of the anti-Vietnam war movement, and later turned to religion. Like
Kerouac, he seemed to be more concerned now with celebrating the life and art
of the common man, and eulogizing a world he had concluded was doomed, as well
as with preparing himself for the world to come. By the end of the century, Bob
Dylan’s 30th studio album <i>Time Out of
Mind</i> was infused with these themes, especially one with a line that
says everything: Tryin’ to get to heaven before they close the door. In these
songs there is no hint of politics or activism, but the line implies a reason
for that door closing. To be welcomed in heaven, we would have to save the place
we’ve already been given.</span><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Notes</span></b><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">1. Robert A. Jacobs, <i>The
Dragon’s Tail: Americans Face the Atomic Age </i>(Amherst: University of
Massachusetts Press, 2010).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><br />
2. Jane Loader, Kevin Rafferty, Pierce Rafferty (Directors), <i>The Atomic
Café</i>, Libra Films, 1982.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">3. Henry Wallace, April 12, 1946,
RG 40 (Department of Commerce); Energy 1, General Records of the Department of Commerce,
Office of the Secretary, General Correspondence; Box 1074, File “104251/6” (2
of 7), National Archives, Washington, D.C., in <i>The Untold History of the United States</i>, Oliver Stone and Peter
Kuznick (London: Edbury Press, 2013), ch. 5.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">4. Allen Hibbard (Editor), </span><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">Conversations
with William S. Burroughs</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"> (University
Press of Mississippi, 2000), 12.</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">5. </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">John Raskin, <i>American
Scream: Allen Ginsberg’s Howl and the Making of the Beat Generation</i> (University
of California Press, 2004). Ginsberg’s concern with the nuclear threat
continued throughout his life as he participated in protests in the 1970s at
the Rocky Flats, Colorado plutonium pit factory which inspired his poem <i>Plutonian
Ode</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">6. Mark Sayers,<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Road Trip that Changed the
World</i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>(Moody Publishers,
2012), 57.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">7. Richard Lerner and Lewis
MacAdams (directors),<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>What
Happened to Kerouac</i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>(1986;
New Yorker Films).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">8. Jack Kerouac,<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Visions of Cody</i>, (McGraw-Hill,
1972).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">9. “<a href="http://www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/full-text-pope-francis-speech-united-nations/" target="_blank">Fulltext of Pope Francis’ speech to United Nations</a>,”<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>PBS Newshour</i>, September 25,
2015,<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span> .<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">10. William F. Buckley (Host),<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>Firing Line, <a href="http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0830733/" target="_blank">The Hippies</a>,</i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>Season 3, Episode 32 (September 4,
1968; National Educational Television),<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span> .<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">11. Jack Kerouac,<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>On the Road</i>:<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><i>The Original Scroll</i><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>(Penguin Books, 1951, 2007), 398.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">12. Jan S. Wenner, “The
Long View,” <i>Bob Dylan: 40 Years of Rolling Stone Interviews</i>, 69-75,
2013. Originally published in <i>Rolling Stone</i>, Vol. 1025-1026, May
3-17, 2007.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">13. “Pete Townshend on ‘Who I Am,’” <i>The View</i>, ABC Television, October 8,
2012.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;">14. Jonathan Cott (Editor), <i>Bob
Dylan: The Essential Interviews</i> (New
York: Wenner Books, 2006), 7-9.</span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-79066744016034284352016-08-05T11:00:00.000+09:002017-03-27T17:27:09.926+09:00Okinawa, Crimea and Vladimir Putin’s Warning of an Irreversible Direction in Strategic Weapons Development<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Okinawa,
Crimea and Vladimir Putin’s Warning of an Irreversible Direction in Strategic
Weapons Development<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">These days it takes an independent journalist to pull off
the scoops that should be getting national attention. Last month Robbie Martin
stumbled upon some Washington insider information that revealed rare insight
into the enigma that is Barack Obama’s foreign policy, as well as some clues
about what to expect from Hillary Clinton as president.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">His subject was Robert Kagan and other neoconservative
“thought leaders” who have heavily influenced US foreign policy in the 21st
century. After the Republican Party held two disastrous presidential campaigns
in 2008 and 2012, these neoconservatives woke up to the fact that the
Democratic Party could be moved to embrace many of the same hawkish policies adopted by the Bush presidency. They now find that former Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton would be most amenable. Now that the Republican Party has imploded, and
Hillary Clinton is the anointed one to be president, they are anxiously waiting
for her to carry on with their plans for the new American century. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robbie Martin wrote on his website </span><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://mediaroots.org/exclusive-obama-doesnt-want-nuclear-war-neocons-for-hillary/">Mediaroots</a>:</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While left leaning voters in the
United States are having a conniption fit over the possibility of a Trump
presidency, Hillary Clinton has been quietly building a bridge to a sect of
Cold War nostalgic neoconservative policymakers in Washington, D.C., getting
regular advice from the likes of Project for The New American Century (PNAC)
co-founder Robert Kagan, and Center for New American Security (CNAS) member and
former Cheney staff member Eric Edelman. This neocon collaboration was mostly
done under the radar until recently, when <i>Foreign
Policy</i> Magazine announced that “young foreign policy professionals” in
collaboration with The Center for New American Security would be hosting an
official fundraiser for Hillary.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robbie Martin joined the fundraiser and let Robert Kagan
assume that since he paid the exorbitant fee to join the exclusive event, he
must be an avid supporter of everything the CNAS stands for. The short
interview he was able to conduct with Mr. Kagan revealed something about
Obama’s policy that has until now remained unsaid:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robbie Martin: I wanted to know what
your feeling was on <b><i>Hillary’s approach to Ukraine, is she going to send the weapons to the
Ukrainian army?</i></b><i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robert Kagan: I mean, I’m sure, I mean
the answer to that question is <b><i>I don’t know. I know she cares a lot about
Ukraine and certainly cares more about it than the current president does</i></b><i>.<o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robbie Martin: With arms, <b><i>why
do you think the president has sort of dragged his feet?</i></b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robert Kagan: Uh, <b><i>because he said to me because he
doesn’t want to get into a nuclear war with Russia</i></b>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robbie Martin: <b><i>That’s literally what he said?</i></b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robert Kagan: <b>Yeah</b>, I don’t think…he’s not…he’s through with his agenda with
Putin, I don’t think he cares about Putin anymore at all, I think he’s
hopeless–uh, he thinks Putin is hopeless, but <b><i>he says, he thinks Ukraine is
part of Russian sphere of influence, and it means more to them than it means to
us and therefore we shouldn’t escalate in a situation like that</i></b>, that’s
why he doesn’t want to send arms.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robbie Martin: <b><i>He actually said he doesn’t want
a nuclear war over Ukraine?</i></b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Robert Kagan: <b><i>He did, ‘I don’t want to have a
nuclear war over Ukraine’</i></b>–my response is well who do you want to have a
nuclear war over? Do you want to have a nuclear war over Estonia? I’ll go down
the list, Germany? If that’s your going in position, then okay, fine. Whatever
nuclear countries don’t want, we won’t do. (See the rest of this article at </span><a href="http://mediaroots.org/exclusive-obama-doesnt-want-nuclear-war-neocons-for-hillary/"><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mediaroots</span></i></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">)[1]</span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">That last statement is telling because it assumes as a
matter of course that the US does whatever it wants to countries that aren’t
nuclear. With a "nuclear country" they have to stop and think for a while about
how to correct that country's behavior. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The insights in this short conversation about Obama’s
policies should be of great interest to the American public, and it’s a wonder
that the president hasn’t explained them himself. It does indeed seem that US
plans for Libya, Syria and Ukraine were never followed through to the logical
end that Washington seemed to want. None of these regime change operations
worked out as planned, and the latter two faltered when met with Russian
resistance. President Obama has already stated that Libya was a mistake, but he
has said very little about his personal doctrine and aims for Syria and Ukraine,
or his acceptance of Russia’s need for a sphere of influence. He seemed to be
following the wishes of government institutions during the initial campaigns,
but then intervening when it was necessary to avoid confrontation with Russia.
For this perhaps the world has to be grateful, but then we have to wonder A) why
he chose to go along with these disastrous interventions at all, and B) why he
didn’t clearly articulate this policy of wanting a détente with Russia. It says
a lot about where power lies in the United States when the president has to
execute his foreign policy on the down-low like a passive aggressive partner in
a bad marriage. And of course, the situation raises troubling questions about
what lies ahead after Obama has left office.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When the neocons try to claim that Russia will eventually
take over the Baltics, or Germany, they are conjuring up a scenario that is
based on no evidence and is beyond belief. They might as well say Iran or China
is going to invade Germany. The real danger to the world was spelled out by
Vladimir Putin himself in a speech to journalists in June 2016. He explained in
very grave terms that since the Bush administration abrogated the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in 2002, then proceeded to develop a new
anti-missile offense system, the world has come to a point where it </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">“</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">is being
pulled in an irreversible direction while they [the United States] pretend that
nothing is going on.” Russia believes that the best guarantee of peace is for
the two nuclear powers to be strategically balanced so that one side will never
see an advantage in a first strike. Putin stated that Russia has now recovered
from the devastation of its military-industrial complex and has restored
strategic parity, but he warns that still the Americans push on with plans to
gain advantage.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Putin stated that he didn’t expect these journalists, or the
companies they work for, to report accurately what he said, and now over a
month has passed and it seems no major media company in the West has covered
this speech even briefly. Unfortunately, the task falls to alternative media,
social networks and bloggers. The captioned video of the speech (translated
into English and possibly other languages by now) has circulated widely, and
here below is a transcript of the speech. It makes for an interesting contrast
with the words spoken by Robert Kagan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif;">__________</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Vladimir
Putin speaking to journalists of the world’s leading news agencies on the
sidelines of the 20th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF 2016)
June 17, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Listen to me. We are all adults at this table, and
experienced professionals at that, but I am not even going to hope that you are
going to relay everything, exactly how I said it, in your publications. Neither
will you attempt to influence your media outlets. I just want to tell you this
on a personal level. I must remind you, though you already know this, that
major global conflicts have been avoided in the past few decades due to the
geostrategic balance of power, which used to exist. The two super-nuclear
powers essentially agreed to stop producing both offensive weaponry as well as
defensive weaponry. It’s simple how it works—where one side becomes dominant in
their military potential, they are more likely to want to be the first to be
able to use such power. This is the absolute linchpin to international
security: in the anti-missile defense system that was previously prohibited in
international law, and all of the surrounding agreements that used to exist.
It’s not in my nature to scold someone—but when [in 2002] the United States
unilaterally withdrew from the 1972 ABM Treaty, they delivered a colossal blow
to the entire system of international security.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">That was the first blow, when it comes to assessing the
strategic balance of power in the world. At that time [2002] I said that we
will not be developing such systems either because A) it is very expensive, and
we aren’t going to burn our money and B) we aren’t yet sure how they will work
[for the Americans]. We were going to take a different option, and develop
offensive weaponry in order to retain said geostrategic balance. That was all.
Not to threaten someone else. They said, “Fine. Our defense system is not
against you, and we assume that your weaponry is not against us. Do what you
like.” As I already mentioned, this conversation took place in the early 2000s.
Russia was in a very difficult state at that time: economic collapse, civil
war, and the fight against terrorism in our Caucasus region, complete
destruction of our military-industrial complex. They wouldn’t have been able to
imagine that Russia could ever again be a military power. My guess is that they
assumed that even that which was left over from the Soviet Union would
eventually deteriorate. So they said, “Sure, do what you like.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">But we told them about the reactionary measures we were
going to take, and that is what we did. And I assure you that today we have had
every success in that area. I’m not going to list everything. All that matters
is we have modernized our military-industrial complex, and we continue to
prepare for new-generation warfare. I’m not even going to mention systems
against the missile-defense system.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">No matter what we said to our American partners [to curb the
production of weaponry] they refused to cooperate with us. They rejected our
offers and continued to do their own thing. Some things I cannot tell you right
now publicly. I think that would be rude of me. And whether or not you believe
me, we offered real solutions to stop this [arms race]. They rejected everything
we had to offer.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">So here we are today, and they’ve placed their missile
defense system in Romania, always saying, “We must protect ourselves from the
Iranian nuclear threat.” Where’s the threat? There is no Iranian nuclear
threat. You even have an agreement with them, and the US was the instigator of
this agreement, where we helped. But if not for the US then this agreement
would not exist, which I consider Obama’s achievement. I agree with the
agreement because it eased tensions in the area. So President Obama can put
this in his list of achievements. But missile defense systems are continuing to
be positioned. That means we were right when we said that they are lying to
us. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">So the “Iranian threat” does not exist, but the NATO Missile
Defense System is being positioned in Europe. That means we were right when we
said that their reasons are not genuine in reference to the “Iranian nuclear
threat.” Once again they lied to us. Now the system is functioning and being
loaded with missiles. As you journalists should know, these missiles are put
into capsules which are used in the sea-based mid-range Tomahawk rocket
launchers. So these are being loaded with “anti-missile missiles” that can
penetrate territories within a 500-km range. But we know that technologies
advance, and we even know in which year the US will accomplish the next
missile. This missile will be able to penetrate distances up to 1,000 km and
even farther. And from that moment on, they will start to directly threaten
Russia’s nuclear potential. We know year by year what’s going to happen, and
they know that we know. It’s only you journalists that they tell tall tales to,
and you buy them and spread them to the citizens of your countries. Your people
in turn do not feel a sense of the impending danger. This is what worries me.
How can you not understand that the world is being pulled in an irreversible
direction while they pretend that nothing is going on? I don’t know how to get
through to you anymore.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">And they justify this as a “defense” system, not weaponry
that is used for the purposes of offense, but as systems that “prevent aggression.”
A missile defense system is one element of the whole system of offensive
military potential. It works as part of a whole that includes offensive missile
launchers. One complex blocks, the other launches a high-precision weapon, the
third blocks a potential nuclear strike, and the fourth sends out its own
nuclear weapon in response. This is all designed to be part of one system. This
is how it works in current, non-nuclear, but high-precision missile defense
systems.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Well, OK, let’s put aside the actual missile “defense”
issue, but those capsules into which “anti-missile missiles” are inserted, as
I’ve mentioned, are sea-based, on warships which carry the Tomahawk subsonic
cruise missile system. One could deploy it to position in a matter of hours,
and then what kind of “anti-missile” system is that? How do we know what kind
of missile is in there? All you have to do is change the program (from
non-nuclear to nuclear). That’s all it would take. This would happen very
quickly, and even the Romanian government itself wouldn’t know what’s going on.
Do you think they let the Romanians call any of the shots? Nobody is going to
know what is being done—not the Romanians, and the Polish won’t either. Do you
think I am not familiar with their strategies?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">From what I can see, we are in grave danger. We had a
conversation once with our American partners where they said they’d like to
develop ballistic missiles without a nuclear warhead. And we asked, “Do you
actually understand what that might entail?” So you’re going to have missiles
launching from submarines, or ground territories—this is a ballistic missile.
How would we know whether or not it has a nuclear warhead? Can you even imagine
what kind of scenario you can create? But as far as I am aware, they did not go
through with developing these weapons. They have paused for now. But the other
one they continue to implement. I don’t know how this is all going to end. What
I do know is that we will need to defend ourselves. And even I know they will
package this as “Russian aggression” again. But this is simply our response to
your actions. Is it not obvious that I must guarantee the safety of our people?
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">And not only that but we must attempt to retain the
necessary strategic balance of power, which is the point that I began with. Let
me return to it in order to finish my response. It was precisely this balance
of power that guaranteed the safety of humanity from major conflict over the
past seventy years. It was a blessing rooted in “mutual threat” but this mutual
threat is what guaranteed mutual peace on a global scale. How they could so
easily tear it down, I simply don’t know. I think this is gravely dangerous. I
not only think that. I am assured of it. [2]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">__________ </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VdypP11X2P8">another
public exchange</a> that Vladimir Putin had a few months earlier, the last American ambassador to the USSR, Jack Matlock, told him he had been personally in favor of keeping the ABM Treaty, but he also added nonchalantly that
Russians should not worry. None of this military hardware is directed at
Russia. This is just how America creates jobs. Putin responded by asking, "Why
would you create jobs in a sphere that has the potential to put the entire
human race in danger?" [3]<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span>
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhj-yIjyrWQdvGWBblG-_U6N-HD3f5cIOW9YM0Qx4baafnAZPZ3wOz3Dn_2nxwgxeZQcVly1222bZX9j_zEKmv97UljQjknnPhw4gZ5HZu_-f_X_s0OZOT7hOtXJ-znQSNKT1kSaTin_Yo/s1600/okinawa-protests-2016-06.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="250" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhj-yIjyrWQdvGWBblG-_U6N-HD3f5cIOW9YM0Qx4baafnAZPZ3wOz3Dn_2nxwgxeZQcVly1222bZX9j_zEKmv97UljQjknnPhw4gZ5HZu_-f_X_s0OZOT7hOtXJ-znQSNKT1kSaTin_Yo/s400/okinawa-protests-2016-06.JPG" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Protests against military bases on Okinawa, Spring 2016</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I know that many readers would pause after taking all this
in and ask, “But what about that ‘Russian aggression’ in Ukraine and Crimea?”
This question has been covered thoroughly, and the reasons Russia found it
necessary to intervene can be found easily enough on </span><i style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">Russia Today</i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> and other sources that have examined the issue seriously. Russia looks at its military bases in Crimea as America regards its own in Okinawa and other strategic locations outside of US territory. When Crimea was part of Ukraine, the Russian forces were there under treaty agreements, but when the pro-American, American-backed coup occurred in Kiev, Russia saw clear indications that Russian minorities and the status of the military bases were being threatened by the new regime</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">—</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">a regime that had been installed with the assistance of foreign intervention that went against international law. Ultimately, who is responsible for this general state of international lawlessness?</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Instead of rehashing the argument about whether Russia's actions conform with international law, I’ll finish with a compare and contrast that illustrates how the US reacts, with utter disregard for international law, when
a place within its own sphere of influence is threatened. The co-author of the
HBO documentary and book <i><a href="http://www.untoldhistory.com/">The Untold History of the United States</a></i>, Peter Kuznick, recently discussed the strong
local opposition to American military bases on Okinawa:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When Hatoyama got elected in 2009: a
great victory for the Japanese people. The Japan Democratic Party finally
overthrew the rule of the LDP, the conservatives, the right wingers, and one of
the things that Hatoyama pledged to do during that campaign was stop the base
relocation in Okinawa, from Futenma, where the big base is now, to Henoko in
northern Okinawa, this pristine beautiful area where they want to relocate the
military base, and at least 80% or so of the Japanese people have come out
against this repeatedly, and so Hatoyama tried to block the base relocation.
Obama basically smashed him. Obama, you would think that Hatoyama, a
progressive ally–Obama would embrace him. Just the opposite. Obama cut his feet
out from under him, forced Hatoyama to back down on his effort to block the
base relocation and basically eroded the popularity and the legitimacy of the
Hatoyama government. The Hatoyama regime collapsed, replaced by Kan. They had
three JDP prime ministers. They couldn’t function. They couldn’t rule after
that, and the JDP was replaced by Abe and the LDP, and we’ve seen this
nightmare of militarization going on… When I met with Al Magleby, who was the
US Consul General, the highest American official in Okinawa, Al said no other
piece of real estate is so strategically important as Okinawa, and he said it
was crucial to America’s vision and the Asia pivot and American Empire,
American forces throughout the Pacific. So he said we’re going to fight. We’re
going to hold this. The Japanese government is supporting the US base
relocation. Okinawa reverted officially from American control to Japanese control
in 1972, but it has never been able to exercise its democratic rights. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To
contrast the case of Okinawa with what happened in Ukraine and Crimea in 2014, one
just has to imagine how America would have reacted if the Hatoyama
administration had come to power not in a legitimate election but in a coup that arose out of street
demonstrations financed and encouraged by Russian diplomats and “NGOs” that were
there ostensibly to "promote democracy." Imagine Russian diplomats in Tokyo coming out to
encourage protesters, or the Russian president <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">counseling</span> the Japanese
government to show restraint while people were being killed in the streets. Under
threat of having its military bases entirely ejected from Japanese territory, how
would America rationalize its sudden <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">need to seize</span> Okinawa? Like Crimea is for
Russia, Okinawa is considered an indispensable strategic military asset, but
unlike Crimea is for Russia, Okinawa has no majority ethnic American
population that would vote to <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">join America in a referendum</span>, no cultural heritage or linguistic heritage connected to America, and it is
10,000 kilometers away from the nearest American city (which, by the way, is
not Honolulu, but <a href="http://www.hawaiiankingdom.org/">that’s a topic for
another day</a>.) <b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notes<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] Robbie
Martin, “<a href="http://mediaroots.org/exclusive-obama-doesnt-want-nuclear-war-neocons-for-hillary/">Neocons
for Hillary: Obama ‘Doesn’t Want Nuclear War</a>,’” Mediaroots.org, July 24,
2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2] <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kqD8lIdIMRo">Putin’s Warning: Full Speech</a>.
Vladimir Putin speaking to journalists of the world’s leading news agencies on
the sidelines of the 20th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF
2016), June 17, 2016.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[3] <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VdypP11X2P8">America Relies on War for
Jobs</a>? <i>Valdai Discussion Club</i>,
October 19-22, 2015. The ambassador is identified speculatively here from his
photo on the Wikipedia list of American ambassadors to Russia and the USSR. He was not
identified in the video clip.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[4] Abby
Martin (interviewer, creator), “<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d4aLVdJRQdA">Imperial Japan, the Bomb
& the Pacific Powder Keg</a>,” <i>The
Empire Files</i>, Episode 30, June 27, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-35530066535066318422016-08-01T21:19:00.002+09:002022-10-30T11:32:03.466+09:00Full transcript: Discussion panel held immediately after the broadcast of The Day After, November 20, 1983<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">ABC News Viewpoint: Discussion
panel held immediately after the broadcast of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Day After</i></span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Washington DC, November
20, 1983</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">In
the spring of 2016, season four of the Cold War spy drama <i>The Americans</i>
was released with an episode entitled <i>The Day After</i>. The story, set in
the autumn of 1983, used the broadcast of the ABC television film <i>The Day
After</i> as a central influence on the characters and plot of the serial
drama. This reference to this television special produced thirty-three years
ago is a testament to its historical significance. The film grew out of the
mass popular movement for nuclear freeze and nuclear disarmament, a movement
which had grown in reaction to President Reagan’s hardline anti-communist
rupture of détente with the Soviet Union. One million people had marched in Manhattan
in June 1982, and the anti-nuclear message was considered important enough for
even the board of a corporate broadcaster to approve the expensive production
of a film that would show in graphic detail the nightmare of full nuclear
exchange between the US and the Soviet Union.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">On
November 20, 1983, the film was seen by an estimated audience of 100,000,000.
The broadcast was an event that many would remember as traumatic and a turning
point in their awareness of the world they inhabited. It was simply
unbelievable that a major network had chosen to show this horror to a prime
time audience. It was a most uncanny "interruption of regular
broadcasting" to the consumer consciousness.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">The
Reagan administration was in a panic about how to respond, and the official
backlash was anticipated by ABC. The news division prepared a post-broadcast
discussion that would allow a panel of establishment experts to respond to the
film and explain to the American public that the situation was and always would
be under control. Nonetheless, officials had lost control of the narrative to a
certain degree. Popular resistance had led to this film being made, and it
spurred further changes that may not have happened otherwise. Ronald Reagan
later admitted to being deeply affected by it, as well as by other films, so it
is safe to say that <i>The Day After</i> had an influence in the significant
reductions in nuclear arsenals that were made over the following decade. In his
second term, Ronald Reagan shocked even his own cabinet with his determination
to rid the world of nuclear weapons.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">The
video of the discussion is freely available on YouTube, but the transcript
posted on this blog is, I believe, a first which I hope will be used by other
researchers or translators. <a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2016/08/lessons-from-day-after-for-new-cold.html">A
separate blog post has the highlights, a summary and comments</a> on the full
transcript, while this one below is the full transcript.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">The
video is in the public domain, so the transcript is published here with the
understanding that it is fair use for non-commercial purposes. For all other
purposes, contact ABC News.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">FULL TRANSCRIPT</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"><a href="https://youtu.be/UzXcQ2Lr-40">ABC News Viewpoint: Discussion panel held
immediately after the broadcast of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Day After</i></a></span></b></div>
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<span class="MsoHyperlink"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"><a href="https://youtu.be/UzXcQ2Lr-40">Washington DC, November 20, 1983</a></span></b></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">MODERATOR</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">SPECIAL
GUEST</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">PanelISTS</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Elie Wiesel</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">William F. Buckley Jr.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Carl Sagan</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Lieutenant General Brent Scowcroft</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">TRANSCRIPT</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">ANNOUNCER:
This is an ABC news special edition of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Viewpoint</i>.
Here now reporting from Washington is Ted Koppel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
There is, and you probably need it about now, there is some good news. If you
can, take a quick look out the window. It’s all still there. Your neighborhood
is still there, so is Kansas City, and Lawrence, and Chicago, and Moscow, and
San Diego and Vladivostok. What we have all just seen–and this was my third
viewing of the movie–what we’ve seen is sort of a nuclear version of Charles
Dickens Christmas Carol. Remember Scrooge’s nightmare journey into the future
with the spirit of Christmas yet to come? When they finally return to the
relative comfort of Scrooge’s bedroom, the old man asks the spirit the very
question that many of us may be asking ourselves right now: whether, in other
words, the vision that we’ve just seen is the future as it will be or only as
it may be. Is there still time? To discuss, and I do mean discuss, not debate,
that and related questions tonight we are joined here in Washington by a live
audience and a distinguished panel of guests: former Secretary of State, Henry
Kissinger, Elie Wiesel, philosopher, theologian and author on the subject of
the Holocaust, William F. Buckley Jr., publisher of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">National Review</i>, author and columnist, Carl Sagan, astronomer and
author who most recently played a leading role in a major scientific study on
the effects of nuclear war. Lieutenant General Brent Scowcroft, national
security adviser to President Ford, chairman of President Reagan’s bipartisan
Commission on the MX missile, and former Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara,
who wrote in the current edition of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Foreign
Affairs,</i> “Nuclear weapons are totally useless except only to deter one’s
opponent from using them.” That’s our panel and you’ll be hearing from them in
just a few moments, but first joining us live from his home in suburban
Washington is the Secretary of State, Mr. George Shultz. Mr. Secretary, if I
put to you the question that Scrooge put to the spirit of Christmas yet to
come, the future as we have just viewed it tonight: is that the future as it
will be or only the future as it may be?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Neither.
That is not the future at all. The film is a vivid and dramatic portrayal of
the fact that nuclear war is simply not acceptable and that fact and the
realization of it has been the basis for the policy of the United States for
decades now, the successful policy of the United States, based on the idea that
we simply do not accept nuclear war. And we’ve been successful in preventing
it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="text-transform: uppercase;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Mr. Shultz, that is the answer of a Secretary of State to a reporter and that’s
fair enough because that’s what you and I respectively are, but what if you were
answering the question to your son or to your granddaughter, what would a
grandfather, what would George Shultz who was talking to a member of his family
say in response to the same question? Same answer?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Well,
I would give the same answer and since children these days are in many respects
smarter, it seems to me, than their elders, they would ask a lot of questions
about that, and I think it’s possible to explain why it is that it’s possible
to have a policy that prevents nuclear war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
I guess what some of those smart youngsters are worried about and what a lot of
smart older people are worried about too is not so much the policy but just the
presence of so many nuclear weapons, so many nuclear warheads in the world and
the question which I now address to you: With so many of them is it not
inevitable that at some point or another they will be used, and if not why do
we need them?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">The
only reason that we have nuclear weapons, as President Reagan said in Japan
recently, is to see to it that they aren’t used. We have to provide a balance
so that others who have nuclear weapons, particularly the Soviet Union realize
that what could happen to us could happen to them and would happen to them, and
under those circumstances neither we nor they will use these weapons. In this
sense I’m agreeing with the quotation that you gave from Secretary McNamara,
but I think we have to do a lot more and we are doing a lot more. We work to
reduce the number of these weapons and it is interesting to note, important to
note, that if you go back to the 1960s and compare the amount of destructive
capability of our nuclear arsenal now as compared with then, that it’s about
70% less. The point that I’m trying to make here is that in addition to having
this policy of balance and deterrence we have a policy of reduction, and in
President Reagan’s efforts to deal with this problem, reduction of nuclear
weapons has been at the top of his list, reduction all the way down to the
point of zero.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Mr. Secretary, I cannot doubt nor do I doubt that that is the president’s
intention. Why has that policy been so difficult to achieve then because since
your administration has come into office there has not been any reduction on
either side?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Well,
no, that’s not correct. There have been some reductions as part of a general
program to do so and only last October it was announced that another thousand
nuclear weapons or warheads would be taken out of Europe, so that process goes
on, but it’s also true that the negotiations that have been going on with the
Soviet Union–while they haven’t produced a result as yet–have focused on
reduction, and many people said when the president proposed reductions, that he
shouldn’t do that because the Soviets wouldn’t agree to it. They haven’t
agreed, but they have come to the table to talk about the subject.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Mr. Secretary, let me focus for a couple of minutes at least before we go to
our panel here on the movie which became in a sense much more than a movie. It’s
become a national event and your presence here this evening is, I think, some
testimony to that. Is the movie going to be useful?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Well,
the movie certainly dramatizes the unacceptability of nuclear warfare and from
my standpoint it says to those who have criticized the president for seeking
reductions that really that’s the sensible course to take, and what we should
be doing is rallying around and supporting, as I think people by and large,
more and more are [supporting] the idea that we should be trying to reduce the
numbers of these weapons. Of course, to do so means that we have to persuade
the Soviet Union to come down along with us and hopefully what we would shoot
for, as the president again said in Tokyo, his dream is to reduce down to zero.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
There does seem to be a certain amount of business as usual, Mr. Secretary, in
the most lamentable way, by which I mean the Soviets are pointing the finger at
us, and we are pointing the finger at them, and somehow the moral imperative of
arms reduction is going nowhere. Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">It
is a subject that we are working on constantly. We have made some very good and
interesting proposals. I think that the point for us is to stay there and keep
talking, and the moral imperative that we feel is, I’m sure, felt by others
throughout the world, no doubt including people in the Soviet Union, and so if
we are persistent and the propositions we put are reasonable, as they are, we
will eventually get somewhere.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Let me bring it back to the family level for a moment. Those mothers and
fathers out there who, I suspect, want a great many answers themselves and would
like to be able to give answers to their own children. Is there anything that
American citizens can do? Is there anything that you would like them to do? And
maybe those are two separate questions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Well,
I think that clearly this question has been and is and will continue to be a
matter of great importance, and it seems to me the effort to reduce the numbers
of these weapons around the world here and elsewhere, particularly in the
Soviet Union, is the right thing to do and so the more widespread the support
is for that and the greater the understanding that there is for that, the more
chances we have for success. I think it is a subject that everyone should be
paying attention to and registering in on, and that will be helpful.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Well, forgive me. I wasn’t asking about paying attention, but whether people
can do anything, other than what I suppose I would have expected you to say and
that is support the president’s policies. Is there anything else that people
can do?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Well,
it isn’t simply the president’s policy. The proposals that have been put forth
in both of the Geneva negotiations are widely supported. The one that deals
with so called intermediate range weapons is based on proposals developed with
our allies in Europe and are closely coordinated with members of Congress so
that they know what’s going on. The same thing can be said for the other
discussions that are taking place. In fact, I think it’s a fair statement that
members of Congress contributed a great deal to the so called build-down
proposal–that’s the most recent proposal put forward at Geneva by our
negotiator, General Rowney.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Secretary Shultz, thank you very much for joining us this evening. And so we
move now to our panel, and let me begin with you, Mr. Buckley. You have been
quite eloquent in your denunciation of the movie that we saw this evening. Now
that you have seen it do you feel encouraged to become even more vociferous in
your denunciation or have you found some merit in it?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: Well, I think unhappily the Secretary of State misses the point.
The whole point of this movie is to launch an enterprise that seeks to
debilitate the American...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
May I just ask you to move in a little closer to your microphone? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: It seeks to debilitate the United States. This is terribly plain.
The guy who wrote it says, “I would like to see people starting to question the
value of defending this country with a nuclear arsenal.” That is his motive and
people who have seen the film who have thought to debilitate American defenses
have gathered around it. It’s become a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">cause
militante</i>. It has a totemic significance, and I’m delighted to hear the
Secretary of State say such calm and lucid and cogent things, but that’s
unrelated to the effort of this film.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
You think that there is a deliberate political effort behind this film, or are
you’re prepared to concede that if indeed there is one it may be accidental?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: Well, it’s certainly deliberate on the part of the writer. He says
that was his motive. Now if you ask if it was deliberate on the part of
shareholders of ABC, I don’t think they were consulted, but there’s no question
that people who seek to write tendentious copy write tendentious copy because
they seek to forward a particular point of view. I certainly do.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, let me raise the question. Carl Sagan, do you see any merit in this
movie or is the movie simply and exercise in emotionalism which may cause
despair rather than do anything useful?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Carl Sagan: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I
think in this country we’ve been sleepwalking during the last 38 years and
passed this problem without really coming to grips with how dire and compelling
it is, and I think ABC should be congratulated for spurring what I hope will be
a year-long debate on this issue, but it’s my unhappy duty to point out that
the reality is much worse than what has been portrayed in this movie, and this
new emerging reality has significant policy implications. The nuclear winter
that will follow even a small nuclear war, especially if cities are targeted,
as they almost certainly would be, involves a pall of dust and smoke which
would reduce the temperatures of not just in northern and mid latitudes, but
pretty much globally to sub-freezing temperatures for months. In addition, it’s
dark, the radiation is much more than we’ve been told before. Agriculture will
be wiped out, and it’s very clear that beyond the one or two billion people who
would be killed directly in a major nuclear war–five to seven thousand
megatons, something like that–that the overall consequences would be much more
dire and the biologists who have been studying this think that there is a real
possibility of the extinction of the human species from such a war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Let me stop on that point because if our viewers were not depressed enough
after seeing the movie, I suspect you’ve brought them to an even greater nadir.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: I think that’s good news, Mr. Koppel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
What is that?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: What he just said is very good news.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Because?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: If the Soviet Union knows that a first strike is going to mean the
extinction of the Soviet Union, then you know there won’t be a first strike. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">CARL
SAGAN: I agree with that, Tom, and I’m amazed to find myself agreeing with Mr.
Buckley, that is absolutely right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Well, let me capitalize on that brief moment of agreement because I suspect
there won’t be very many more. Dr. Kissinger, let me turn to you and ask you
then if indeed one accepts either Dr. Sagan’s version or the version that we
saw here we are in either case talking about damage and loss of life unparalleled
in human history. How is it possible under any circumstances to conceive of the
use of nuclear weapons?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I think that this film presents a very simple-minded
notion of the nuclear problem and it deals with the most obvious question that
a general nuclear war aimed at cities is a disaster and a catastrophe. I wrote
a book on the subject 30 years ago when the notion of general nuclear war first
arose. The problem of our period, the problem we have to grapple with is how to
avoid such a war, how to preserve freedom while seeking to avoid such a war,
how to establish, how to create a military establishment that reduces the
dangers of such a war, what arms control policies are compatible with this
policy, how we handle crises. Those are serious questions. To engage in an orgy
of demonstrating how terrible the casualties of a nuclear war are, and
translating it into pictures from statistics that have been known for three
decades, and then to have Mr. Sagan say it’s even worse than this... I would
say: what are we to do about this? Are we supposed to make policy by scaring
ourselves to death, or is somebody going to make some proposals about where we
are supposed to go? And if people don’t make them, then I do not believe we are
making any contribution. That’s my objection to this film. It took this most
simple-minded problem that everybody will agree upon. There’s nobody in this
room who disagrees with the fact that this must not happen. It’s how to avoid
it that we should be discussing. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="text-transform: uppercase;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Dr. Kissinger, you have brought us precisely the issue that I think brings us
all here together this evening. I think it can go without saying that there’s
no one in this room, indeed there is probably no sane person in the country,
who would recommend nuclear war or who would look at that movie and say that
what is seen there is some prescription for any solution to any problem. We are
here to try to answer the question of what if anything can be done. Mr.
McNamara, do you want to take a crack at that question?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I think much can be done, Mr. Koppel, much that we’re
not doing, and I want to start by emphasizing I’m not talking about the Reagan
administration. I’m talking about several different administrations, but most of
all I’m talking about the American people. I do not believe the American people
understand the world we live in. I do not believe they understand the full risk
that we face. There are 40,000 nuclear warheads in the inventories of the US
and Soviet Union today, with the destruction par roughly a million times that
of the Hiroshima bomb. I don’t know any arms expert, and I doubt if anyone in
this room believes in the next 10 to 15 years we can reduce that number by more
than half, and we’re still going to be living then in a world 15 years from now
with 20,000 nuclear weapons, and frankly I think that it’s very unlikely to get
that low, but just assume that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.F.
BUCKLEY: What makes you think we’ll be alive 15 years from now?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Because in addition to stressing reduction in the
numbers of weapons, we need to stress introducing stability in the forces to
avoid temptation to either side to pre-empt, and most of all we need to
introduce steps to reduce the risk that those weapons will be used, and I don’t
want to take more of my time, but I’ll be quite happy during this program to
outline a whole series of those steps.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Well, in fact you stopped short of where I thought you were going. Let us
assume for a moment the desirable, but probably the unthinkable, and that is
that we could somehow agree to do away with all nuclear weapons. We still live
with the knowledge of how to make them. How does one live in a nuclear world,
one which we will never be able to turn back from?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">We live in a nuclear world by stressing that this is a
plus sum game that we’re working on. There is a commonality of interests
between the Soviets and the US to avoid the use of these weapons. That’s what
that film shows. I totally disagree with those who say it’s a disservice to the
nation to show the film. Not at all. It’s stimulating discussion on exactly the
issue we ought to be discussing. There’s a million times the Hiroshima
destruction power out there. We must ensure it not be used. It’s equally in the
interest of the Soviet Union not to use it. Therefore, there is a basis for
coming to agreement. It’s going to be very, very difficult, and while we’re
working on reducing the numbers, which the arms negotiations now in Geneva are
pointed to, we should pick up an idea that Henry Kissinger put forward. I put
it forward. Others have put it forward. It’s not enough to reduce numbers. We
must increase stability. As long as we have more warheads than they have
launchers, they fear we may use those warheads to destroy their launchers and
destroy their society. We must begin to introduce stability. Henry has
suggested, I suggested that we move to reducing the ratio of warheads to
launchers. This sounds technical. It’s not. It simply means increasing the
safety of both societies. If we both move that way, we’re both better off.
There are 15 different actions I could suggest to you which if taken today–some
unilateral, by the way. We must be more daring, we must be more imaginative as
a society, not just as a government–-as a society–to reduce this risk and we
must negotiate. We must drag the Soviets into negotiating.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Let me pick up a point that was made here a few moments ago and address it to
you, General Scowcroft. I believe it was you Mr. Buckley, who found optimism in
Mr. Sagan’s pessimism. If indeed we live in a world in which a nuclear exchange
of 100 megatons or more, if we live in a world in which an exchange of a
hundred megatons or more means, whether literally or almost literally, the
extinction of the human race, have we not reached a point at which any kind of
nuclear exchange is unthinkable because of what it may portend?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">General Scowcroft: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">It may be unthinkable, but deterrence is a very
ambiguous notion. It cannot be demonstrated unless it fails, in which case you
know it was not there. Otherwise, it cannot be demonstrated. We have probably
very different ideas about deterrence than does the Soviet Union. I think we
tend to think that nuclear weapons have done away with war as an instrument of
national policy, that it is insane, that the mere existence of nuclear weapons
means that nuclear war cannot happen, as you suggest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Well, forgive me. There are there are something like 42, 43 or maybe 44 wars
going on in the world right now, so clearly it hasn’t done away with war. Are
you talking about...?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">General Scowcroft: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Nuclear war. I’m talking about a US-Soviet nuclear
exchange like in the movie. The Soviet Union, however, both as a result of its
history of repeated invasion and the extent to which ideology still motivates
its belief that it is surrounded by hostile states, probably wants nuclear war
no more than does the United States, but I think realistically it anticipates
that it could happen. And if it could happen, then they must do their best to
prepare for it, and I think it is that that is the essential, central issue of
deterrence, and that is we must have a military posture which the Soviets,
whatever they think about deterrence, whatever they think about the nature of
nuclear weapons, can never imagine that resort to them makes sense. I’m not
sure that’s clear at this point.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Well, when you talk about preparation for it, I assume you mean, among other
things, their evacuation procedures, their civil defense program and things
like that. If I understand Carl Sagan and his colleagues, and these seem to be
in total agreement with Soviet scientists, all of that is so academic as to be
totally pointless. If indeed we are going to have a world in which life itself
is essentially extinguished, what difference does it make whether it’s
extinguished six feet underground or extinguished on the surface?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">General Scowcroft: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Because I don’t think fundamentally we’re talking
about a deliberate decision to launch nuclear war. We’re talking about behavior
in a crisis where each side is estimating both the posture and the will of the
other side, in which case miscalculations can make all the difference between
peace and war, and it is in that guise that we must ensure that the Soviet
Union can never miscalculate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Before we slide too far into the technical, Elie Wiesel, we deliberately
invited you here so that you would bring a humanistic touch to what otherwise
threatens to become either a very technical or a very theoretical kind of
discussion. Is there anything that the individual man can do anymore? Is there
any point in even discussing that, or is it out of his and her hands?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Elie Wiesel: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Not
being a nuclear specialists in any way, I’m scared. I’m scared because I know
that what is imaginable can happen. I know that the impossible is possible. I’ve
seen the film and while I was watching it, I had a strange feeling that I had
seen it before, except once upon a time it happened to my people, and now it
happens to all people. And suddenly I said to myself maybe the whole world
strangely has turned Jewish. Everybody lives now facing the unknown. We are
all, in a way, helpless. We are talking about nuclear arms, about the bomb with
a capital B, a kind of divinity in itself. Unless those who know militarily
what it means, we readers, writers, people... we don’t know what it all means.
When I hear about a thousand bombs, megatons... I don’t have that kind of
imagination. To me it’s an abstraction, but to me, what all this means is that
the human species may come to an end, that millions of children may die simply
because one person somewhere... And I am not so much afraid of the big powers.
I’m afraid of the small nations. If not now, maybe 10 years from now or 20 or
50, a Khomeini will get hold of nuclear weapons. He won’t hesitate. He will not
have a discussion such as the one that we have here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="text-transform: uppercase;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Elie Wiesel, you know better than most that during the 1930s in Europe,
especially in England, there were discussions not dissimilar from this
discussion in which people with the best of motives spoke about pacifism, the
need not to go to war, the horror of war, and some historians feel, indeed I
would suggest most historians feel, that it was that very sense that brought
about precisely what everyone was trying to avoid. I think what Dr. Kissinger was
talking about before is precisely that. The danger that in being human about
what we’ve just seen, we may become not only impractical but unwise. Would you
like to respond to that notion?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">ELIE
WIESEL: No, I agree with you. I agree with Dr. Kissinger on that, that pacifism
in the absolute sense would be dangerous. We cannot yield our world to
dictatorship. We cannot yield our Western society, our democracy, to a
totalitarian regime that would have alone, exclusively, a nuclear superiority.
It would be foolish. On the other hand, I also know that if we have thousands
and more thousands and more thousands of weapons, one day they will explode.
Hence my ambivalence. I mean hence my fear. I do not see realistically the way
out. I don’t know what could be done.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Dr. Kissinger, you’ve been writing about, dealing with this notion, as you
pointed out a few moments ago, for some 30 years. Why do we need all these
weapons which, as Churchill once pointed out, are sufficient now only to make
the rubble bounce?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Only from the point of view of strategic doctrine or
of military strategy, I have been writing for 30 years that these are weapons
in search of a doctrine, so I do not want to defend any particular level of
forces. The fact, however is, as Bob McNamara pointed out, we have 40,000 now.
If we cut them in half in 10 years, it would be a miraculous achievement. The
exact same problem we are discussing tonight will exist at the level of 20,000,
and that problem is: how do we avoid their use? That is a component of the
relationship among the superpowers and among the nuclear powers. It requires us
to analyze the design of our forces and to design them in such a manner that
there is a minimum incentive for first strike by either side. It requires that
we analyze what is likely to cause crisis, and it requires that we do not scare
ourselves to death because if the Soviet Union gets the idea that the United
States has morally disarmed itself and psychologically disarmed itself, then
the precise consequences we are describing here will happen. Our problem is to
avoid unilateral disarmament and at the same time to develop a policy which
eliminates the danger of nuclear war. This is the challenge we face and we have
been going back and forth between extremes of intransigence and extremes of
conciliation, and if we do not focus on some of the problems that Bob McNamara
mentioned: how we design forces that make for stability, how we communicate
over an extended period of time, and what political crises we must seek to
avoid and how to handle them in time, then things are going to slide, but the relationship
that is being established around this table between the numbers of weapons and
the probability of war is in my view not true. The kind of war shown in this
film is most likely at the lowest numbers of weapons, and has in fact been
advocated at those numbers of weapons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
If you can, Dr. Kissinger, explain that briefly. Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">There was a theory at one time that was, and that is
still used by many groups, which is that if you can kill a certain number of
people, and if you can destroy a limited number of cities, what do you need
more nuclear weapons for? And then there have been all sorts of calculations
made: 200, 300, 400. At any rate, the point is that these weapons have then
been advertised as a means of slaughtering civilians. This creates exactly the
dilemma we now face. Any statesman... I think Bob will forgive me if I tell of
a personal encounter we had when I became security advisor. I saw for the first
time what our plans were, and I called up Bob, as [he was] the last Secretary
of Defense, or at any rate the one I knew best, to ask him to come to the White
House, and I first asked him whether he thought these figures were accurate,
and then I asked him how he was going to handle that issue, if he ever were
asked by the president on what to recommend. So this issue has been with us and
it will face every administration of whatever party. We can’t eliminate these
weapons completely in a foreseeable time. We should not have a strategy that is
designed to maximize casualties because then if anything goes wrong, we will
have Carl Sagan’s world and yet we are assaulted–anyone who seeks that course–on
the one side by military technologists who think nuclear weapons are just
another kind of weapon, and then by pacifist groups who believe that unless you
paint the most horrible picture of nuclear war, it will happen, and you
participate in bringing it about. This is why it’s been so hard to get this
sort of thing that Bob McNamara is talking about. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, we’re going to have to take a break in just a couple of minutes. Mr.
Buckley, go ahead. I may have to cut you off in mid-sentence, though.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: Well, I’d like to focus on this business of stabilization because I
think we have moved away from stabilization. There’s a line in this movie. They’re
hearing all this bad news about all the threats that are happening. The Germans
are moving, and the Russians are moving, and then the girl says, “Well we did
have a crisis in 1962 and we overcame that, didn’t we? There isn’t anybody
there who says yes, and we also had a considerable deterrent policy in 1962
which was unambiguous. Question: Are we moving towards an ambiguity in our
deterrent forces? In the last four years the German Social Democratic Party has
turned right around. I would ask Mr. McNamara, “Is that a sign of stabilization
or precisely the contrary?” But it’s by seeing this kind of thing, which, by
the way they all saw before they took that vote last week.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Before... and I promise I’ll come right back to you so you have an opportunity
to answer that question... but before we do that I need to say this as we are
coming up on the hour: that this is a special edition of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ABC News Viewpoint</i>. I’m Ted Koppel. Now then, Mr. McNamara, pick it
up, please.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">First, we have a stable deterrent today. We do a great
disservice to our nation when we say otherwise, and we will have a stable
deterrent tomorrow, if we act intelligently. I have absolutely no question in
my mind about it, but I want to go back to the two conditions that we are
facing, and they’re not going to change. I was in Berlin today. I had lunch in
Berlin. I was at the [Berlin] Wall today. We didn’t build the wall. The wall
was built 22 years ago by the Soviets to hold their people in. They retain it
today for exactly the same reason. I’m not arguing whether it’s wise or unwise
for them to do it. It’s a symbol of the tension that exists. Events possibly
beyond their control or ours may cause these miscalculations that were
discussed a moment ago. That’s one set of facts. The other set of facts is the
40,000 nuclear warheads that Henry and I agree are unlikely to be cut by more
than 50% in the next 10-15 years. We’re going to live for decades in a world of
tension, and with tens of thousands of warheads, a few hundred of which can
cause [interrupted by voice off camera]... pardon me... May I finish? ... that
can cause nuclear winter or destroy civilization. We must learn how to avoid
their use. Nobody that I have ever talked to knows how to stop a nuclear war
once it is started. Therefore, for God’s sake, don’t ever start one. That’s the
first point. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, let me let Mr. Sagan respond to that, then general Scowcroft, and
then folks you may as well get ready with your questions because we’re going to
start involving you with all of the panel. Mr. Sagan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Carl Sagan: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Let
me try to make three quick points coming out of the previous discussion. First
of all, there is a kind of threshold. It’s fuzzy, but it’s somewhere around a
thousand strategic weapons at which the nuclear winter could be triggered. If
that’s the case, it seems to me that the only prudent policy is to get well
below that threshold. So that no concatenation of computer failure and
communications malfunctions and madness in high office could kill everybody on
the planet. That seems to me elementary planetary hygiene, as well as
elementary patriotism. You don’t want to have a circumstance in which we can
end the human endeavor. Now I think that with 18,000 strategic warheads in the
world, we have 18 times, at least, more weapons than are needed to trigger this
catastrophe. If you were well below a thousand warheads you would still have an
adequate strategic deterrence, and I believe just as slavery was once in the
world, and people considered it impossible to change, and it was everywhere,
well, now we have a world in which there is virtually no chattel slavery.
Conventional expectations about what is inevitable can be changed if there is
political will, and I think that the existence of this catastrophe can provide
the political will. Now, just one more thing. We heard from Secretary Shultz,
in answer to your question, Ted, that it wasn’t true that the Reagan administration
was building up weapons, that in fact they had reduced weapons, and he
mentioned a figure of a thousand in Europe. Now those thousand weapons in
Europe are tactical weapons, not strategic weapons. They are largely obsolete
weapons, and they are forward-based weapons which means that they are
vulnerable to capture in case of an attack. Now what the administration is
really doing, according to the Congressional budget office, is increasing the
inventory of strategic warheads from 9,000 in the United States to 14,000. We’re
going in the wrong direction.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Carl, forgive me. Let us leave it in those general terms because I must confess
statistics leave my mind reeling and I suspect everybody else’s too. General Scowcroft,
do you want to respond to the general thrust of what Dr. Sagan was saying?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">General Scowcroft: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Yes. There are two basic truths. We are not going to
dis-invent nuclear weapons, as Henry said, the knowledge, and as Bob said, the
knowledge of them there, regardless of the number, the knowledge is there. In
some respects, the lower the numbers, the more unstable the situation and the
more the encouragement for other powers to acquire nuclear weapons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
That’s the second time that’s been said now. Dr. Kissinger said it a moment
ago. Explain it one more time. Why is less more in this case?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">General Scowcroft: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Because if each side of the Soviet Union and the
United States has only a thousand weapons, or each only 500, that encourages
other powers to become major nuclear powers in a way that they can do because
the numbers are relatively small.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Well, in that case what you’re sketching out is a world in which, by
definition, neither the United States nor the Soviet Union can ever afford to
fall below a certain excessive level.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">General Scowcroft: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I think for the short-term future that may be true. I
think that the two truths are that we are in a nuclear age, and secondly, we do
have a fundamental antagonism with the Soviet Union which we may be able to
ameliorate, but which for the foreseeable future is not going to end. Now, the
question is: what do we do about it? And I agree with Bob McNamara that we are
not going to get rid of nuclear weapons. The important thing is, as the
President’s Commission on Strategic Forces underlined, is to improve the
stability to integrate our weapon systems programs and our arms control to
reduce the chances that in a crisis either side will resort to nuclear weapons
feeling it can gain an advantage. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, gentlemen, I have a hundred questions buzzing in my mind, but I
suspect that there are at least 200 people out there. The gentleman over here
in about the third row, go ahead, sir. It’s your question. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: Secretary Shultz said tonight that there’s a lot more to do. Mr.
McNamara said tonight we have to increase stability while at the same time
being much more imaginative. Mr. Kissinger said that we need a policy that will
one day eliminate the need for these types of weapons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
I’ll tell you what. Help me out so that you don’t set an example here that I
don’t want anyone else to follow. Don’t tell us what we have already heard. Ask
your question, please.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: OK, the question is: is it not possible to somehow develop a
technological end run to find a solution that might be a space-based defense
system, a system that would render nuclear weapons obsolete? I’d like the
panelists to comment on this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, we’re hearing from the high frontier school of thought, right? All
right, who would like to pick it up? Dr. Kissinger, high frontier?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I don’t know enough about the space technology to have
a judgment on whether it is technically possible to do this. The debate on the
nuclear issue has taken the paradoxical form that whenever a defense system has
been proposed it has been opposed by many of the groups that are dedicated to
disarmament because they’re afraid that anything that reduces the impact of a
nuclear war also increases the willingness to engage in it, and therefore there
has been a tendency to deprecate any possible defense system. I don’t
particularly... I haven’t studied... I don’t know anything about whether the
space system... I do not believe, however it’s a general proposition, that
there is one reliable technological means on the basis of which you can say
that now the danger of nuclear war has been eliminated. On the other hand, I
also do not like this undifferentiated discussion of all nuclear wars taking
Carl Sagan’s form.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">TED
KOPPEL: What are you saying with that last point? Are you suggesting...?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">What I’m saying with this point is if it is true that
we live in a world in which we are doomed to have nuclear weapons, and if it is
true that someday there could be an accident, then it is also true that
together with all the measures that have been discussed we have a moral and
political obligation to think of procedures, strategies and message to keep the
war from mindlessly escalating into the sort of thing that we have seen on
television here, and not to talk ourselves into the frame of mind that the
first time a nuclear weapon is used it must end with the destruction of
hundreds of millions of people and a nuclear winter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Carl Sagan, pick up if you will, on A) the question that was asked but B) also
the point that Dr. Kissinger made, namely that that defensive systems and, for
example, at one point we were in the process of building an anti-ballistic
missile system in this country... that defensive systems are destabilizing
because they may lull the side that has it into a sense of security that would
permit that side to then launch nuclear weapons on the other side.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Carl Sagan: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Well,
on the space-based systems… for them to have any adequacy to stop a significant
strike, they have to have a technology which does not exist today, which the
best experts in the field say cannot exist, in any case something which would
cost enormous amounts of money that would have to be deployed on an absolutely
unprecedented scale, and which is vulnerable to the simplest kinds of
countermeasures, so my sense is that the ballistic missile defense system that
is being talked about–and there are a variety of them and obviously we don’t
want to get into the details–is dangerous A) because it lulls us into thinking
that we can get away from this problem without the kind of confidence-building
and stabilizations that Dr. Kissinger and Secretary McNamara have talked about.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, let’s go to a question, to the lady about in the fifth row back.
Yes, ma’am. Go ahead. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: What are we to do 20 to 25 years from now when the superpowers no
longer have the decision-making power about whether nuclear war will or will
not occur? And this could be a small-scale nuclear war as opposed to the type
of war that we’ve seen in the movie where there is complete devastation
everywhere. What about the point that Mr. Wiesel raised earlier about a
Khomeini or Qaddafi having that capability?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Mr. McNamara, do you want to pick up on...?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I would say several things first. We need to maintain
and tighten our non-proliferation policy. We have allowed it to become weak and
we by that means have contributed to the problem this lady is pointing to.
Secondly, we need to establish procedures that will ensure that our nuclear
forces are not triggered by a terrorist launch of a weapon, or by an accident,
a mechanical or a human failure, and we need to ensure that the Soviets are
following the same procedures. These are the kinds of actions that we need to
take in our common interest to avoid a launch against terrorists, thinking we’re
launching against a Soviet attack, or a launch in the event of a mechanical or
human failure. And one of those procedures that we ought to take unilaterally,
and then we ought to try to persuade them to adopt as well, is to state publicly
we will never, never, never launch on warning. We have not yet said that nor
have they<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">.</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
You have just raised, I’m afraid, an issue of such controversy that I don’t
think I can just let it just go by. Launch on warning is the notion that if
anyone were to fire any missiles in our direction, we would not wait for them
to land, but the president would give the command [to launch] our land-based
nuclear missiles, our ICBMs. It’s the old use-them-or-lose-them notion, right?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Yes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
And is that... well, I’m not even sure if I can discuss it. Is that our policy?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">We have not said it is not our policy, and the
Secretary of the Air Force within the past few weeks in California has stated
that the administration is unwilling to state it’s not our policy, and the
Soviets, within the past several weeks, have in their press indicated that the
Pershing missile deployment to Europe is likely to trigger their launch on
warning.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">TED
KOPPEL: All right...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">But now I think we’re both insane if we ever launch on
warning.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">TED
KOPPEL: All right...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Because the warnings may be false, as they have been
in the past.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Is that not another one of the paradoxes that seem to dot this nuclear
minefield: unless we maintain that level of doubt in our adversaries minds that
it might happen, they might be tempted to try it?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">No, absolutely not because our forces are invulnerable
and so are theirs. There’s absolutely no reason for the Soviets to launch on
warning and there’s absolutely no reason for us to launch on warning.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">TED
KOPPEL: Anybody disagree with that?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">HENRY
KISSINGER: I actually do not believe we should launch on warning. I don’t know
any administration that would have launched on warning and I doubt that this
administration...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">ROBER
MCNAMARA: Then we should say so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">HENRY
KISSINGER: Now the question is: does the concept of launching on warning make a
nuclear war more likely? The argument for not saying what we are doing and will
be doing is that if you assert it, it makes the calculations of a potential
attacker somewhat simpler because he can then determine exactly what is
going... or at least he can try to turn it into a mathematical problem. If you
don’t say it, there is an element of doubt, but I want to make clear I think
neither side can possibly gear its procedures to launch upon warning. I think
it’s from a procedural point, technically next to impossible, and I think it
would be a highly destabilizing course, so I agree with the policy. The
question is whether there’s a great advantage in saying it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.F.
BUCKLEY: Here’s where I think you’re incorrect. What we must not lose sight of
is the fact that we want to deter. Now, President Carter came out and
recommended a mobile missile, the idea being to shield us from that window of
vulnerability of our fixed silos which can be wiped out, giving the enemy a
leverage over us by threatening to take out our cities. Now, Congress turned
that down. In turning that down we then headed towards MX, but the point is we
have got to head in such a direction as to guarantee our survival of a first
strike, and if launch on warning is what we are reduced to as a result of our
failure to allow a proliferation of small weapons, then indeed that’s certainly
better if indeed it succeeds in deterring.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Gentlemen, there’s an awful lot that every one of these questions and all of
your answers provokes, but as you can see we have a great many questions. The
gentleman in about the fifth row back. Yes, sir, go ahead. There you go.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: As an educator I find that young people are increasingly aware of the
threat of nuclear war and are very cynical and despairing about their future.
My question to any of the panelists is how do you think this next generation
should be educated about these issues so that they can engage in planning for
their own future with a sense of hope?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Elie Wiesel, why don’t you pick up on that? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Elie Wiesel: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">The
keyword is education and I happen to believe that is the only way for us to
save mankind. It is through education. It’s not weapons. We are talking here
about changing weapons, improving weapons. Why not improve human nature, if it
is possible at all to speak about it? I too, I am in touch with young students.
My students are scared and when they talk about the nuclear issue they are
worried. So am I because I must tell you I’m a little bit taken aback. We are
already fighting the nuclear war around this table. We already have been
speaking about the first strike, about warning, about bombing. How can we even
talk about it? I would like to educate our society, our young people
especially, to make sure that it won’t happen.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
How can we, forgive me, but how can we not talk about it?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Elie Wiesel: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Well,
that is really the problem: if we talk, it’s bound to happen. If we don’t, it’s
bound to happen again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Go ahead, Mr. Buckley.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: I think that we do have to talk about it, and Dr. Kissinger 25
years ago got hell for consenting to talk about it. So did Herman Kahn. The
fact of the matter is that here we are talking about all the tensions we’re
going to be living under in 15 years, 20 years from now. Well, the implied
assumption is that we’re going to be alive 15-20 years from now. That’s pretty
good news, isn’t it? We began with a monopoly of atom bombs. We offered to give
them to the United Nations. When we had a monopoly we dropped one on Japan. If
Japan had had one we wouldn’t have dropped one on Japan, so I see nothing that
has changed involving that essential stability, and although all of us wish
this nightmare would go away, in point of fact it is probably not going to
until somebody does a lobotomy on the men in the Kremlin, and nobody suggested
doing that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
15 years may be pretty good news to many of your generation in mine. I suspect
that some of our children might regard that as a rather limited lifespan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: I didn’t say there is going to be a war in 15 years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Go ahead, gentlemen.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">GENERAL
SCOWCROFT: I think we’re not talking about nuclear war. We’re talking about the
steps necessary to deter, to prevent a nuclear war, and to me that’s a vast
difference, and faced with the central dilemma of our times; that is, nuclear
weapons and US-Soviet antagonism, we have to sort our way through it, and the
first thing I would tell young people is that there is no simple nostrum, no
simple solution that if we could just get rid of inept or malevolent
government, it would be out there for us to grab, to solve our problem. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Go ahead, sir. The gentleman on the aisle with his left hand up. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: Thank you. For Professor Sagan, please. 75% of the American public
supports the nuclear weapons freeze with the Soviet Union, yet we haven’t heard
that mentioned this evening. I’m wondering if as an alternative to prevent
nuclear war, people opposing the MX missile, the Trident 2 missile, the
Pershing, the cruise... Is that not a viable alternative for people to rally
around as an alternative to what the Reagan administration is planning in the
next, not ten years, but for the next two or three years?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">UNIDENTIFIED
VOICE: But wouldn’t everything that we saw tonight be possible if there was a
freeze?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Audience Question:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;"> Your question in a minute. If I could get Professor
Sagan...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Carl Sagan: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">My
opinion is that the freeze, which you quite properly point out, is supported
according to opinion polls and votes by the majority of American people… I
think it would be an excellent first step. It tends to prevent the introduction
of further destabilizing modernization, and it would almost certainly be
followed, as in the Kennedy-Hatfield resolution, by an agreement on an annual
percentage drop in nuclear weapons, and if that’s at the 5 to 10% a year level,
which is what is talked about, that would get us a long step up on getting to
this threshold I talked about. If I can just say one other thing about this...
In this discussion there has been a sense that you can’t change things, that
getting down even by a factor of two in decades is the most you could possibly
hope for. I’d like to read a quick quotation from General Douglas MacArthur. He
said, “The masses of the world are far ahead of their leaders in this subject.
I believe it is the massed opposition of the rank and file against war that
offers the greatest possible hope that there shall be no more war.” And then
Dwight Eisenhower said something very similar. He said, “People in the long run
are going to do more to promote peace than our governments. Indeed I think that
people want peace so much that one of these days governments had better get out
of their way and let them have it.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Let’s talk for a moment about nuclear freeze. Just for a moment, Mr. McNamara,
the question I want to raise is that there is implied in every discussion of
nuclear freeze the suggestion that it could happen, if not overnight then
certainly within a very short period of time. Do you accept that? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">ROBERT
MCNAMARA: Well, I think a freeze could happen quickly, but I don’t believe it
gets at the heart of the problem we’re talking about. It isn’t a freeze we
need. It’s a substantial reduction. It’s an increase in stability. It’s a
reduction in the risk of use, and the freeze fails to address those issues. The
freeze movement has played, from my point of view, a very positive role in our
society. It has drawn the attention of political leaders, religious leaders and
other leaders of our country to this problem, and that’s been very positive,
but it does not go nearly far enough in dealing with the problem we’re talking
about.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Dr. Kissinger, some thoughts on the freeze?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I think that the freeze will prevent many of the
measures that we’ve been talking about. It would prevent, for example, going
from the MIRV missile to the single warhead missile. It might prevent several
other changes in the direction of stability. I was involved in, and in fact, I
conducted the negotiations for SALT 1 which were a freeze of certain categories
of weapons, and it leads you into an endless debate of what is modernization
and what is a new weapon, what is a modernization of an old weapon, so the
freeze by itself is, in my view, not a solution to the problem. The problem,
the solution in the military field, is to develop a military doctrine that
conduces to stability, and there’s a second point that has not been mentioned
this evening at all. We are talking as if nuclear weapons cause wars. What will
cause wars is political tensions, and crisis, and uncontrolled ambitions, and
unless one is willing to face that fact and unless one is willing to do
something about it… If tensions multiply in the world, sooner or later there
will be a war, not necessarily a nuclear war, and any war increases the danger
in which we are involved, and maybe the Soviets are involved... increases the
danger of nuclear war and there has to be a linkage, unfashionable as this word
is, between the military strategies of the countries and their political
conduct, and if that cannot be established, then sooner or later it is going to
be the political instability that is going to drive us into war, not the
weapons by themselves.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, let’s see if we can get to the gentleman way in the back there with
your left hand up. Go ahead.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: We are not necessarily afraid of the man in the White House. For us
here, building on what Mr. Kissinger said, how do we convey, how do we get to
the men in the Kremlin to say we want to do something? What can we do about
them?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
General Scowcroft?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">GENERAL
SCOWCROFT: I think the men in the Kremlin respond to strength, and by and large
they take gestures of goodwill, designed by us to indicate we bear them no ill
will, as signs of weakness rather than in the sense in which they are
presented. I think it is possible to negotiate with the Soviet Union. It is not
possible to negotiate them out of something they think they can get for free,
and I think that is the central reason why we have to continue a vigorous arms
program to convince the Soviets that there is no easy way for them to gain or
to maintain an advantage over the United States. If they realize that, I think
it is possible to negotiate serious arms control.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Elie Wiesel, I mentioned before the whole discussion of nuclear issues is
filled with paradoxes. Put your fine philosopher’s mind to the last paradox
that we just heard. You cannot indicate goodwill by showing weakness. You have
to show strength and then you can show the goodwill and then there will be a
response, but it’s always a building upon a building upon a building.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Elie Wiesel: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I
am not against paradoxes, you know, but then I am not a political scientist,
which is my privilege, but on the other hand, I am optimistic with regard to
Russia in a strange way, not because of the strength that you invoke, but
because of the people in Russia. I have the feeling that what is happening here
in Western society, meaning there is an increasing awareness about the nuclear
madness. I think it is happening. It is beginning to happen in Russian society
as well. The human rights movement in Russia, headed by Sakharov, who is a
great hero and a great man... the human rights movement is an anti-nuclear
movement in Russia. It may take a few years, but the young people in Russia, I’m
convinced of it, will join in a way, will join hands with us. We have seen it,
for instance, in the case of Soviet Jewry. Young people in the thousands, and I’ve
seen it myself, in the thousands in the early 60s already came out, and they
dared to defy the Soviet regime openly. I’m convinced that sooner or later they
will move Jews and non-Jews, and all the dissidents in Russia will move into
the anti-nuclear field, meaning they will try to persuade their leaders, with
all the risks involved, that it is impossible to think about a nuclear war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Go ahead, Mr. McNamara.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I want to come back, just one second, to the gentleman
who asked about the youth. This is a very important question. What can we tell
our young people today about this world we’re moving into? I say we should tell
them there’s hope. We should have confidence. We should not create myths of our
weakness. In the 1960s, the presidential campaign was fought on the myth, as it
turned out later, of a missile gap. Recently we’ve had the myth, and it is a
myth, of a window of vulnerability, and it was General Scowcroft’s commission
that tore aside that myth and destroyed it. We consistently understate and
under-rate our own strength in the world. We are a democratic country. That
brings us strength. We are technologically advanced. We have productivity far
superior in agriculture and industry and arms to the Soviets. We just saw
yesterday or the day before yesterday... I read in Europe that the CIA is now
saying that the Soviets have not been increasing their defense expenditures as
much as we said they were. We should tell our young people to be confident.
Confident of our strength and deal with the Soviets from a position of confidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
On that that same glimmer of optimism, let me just give a cautionary note to
our affiliates down the line. We are going to go a little bit longer, and I
think you can see why. There’s no need to explain any further. Yes, ma’am, on
the aisle.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: OK, to address a previous point: how can we talk about a nuclear
freeze at this point in time when Sakharov is well aware of the serious
consequences of a nuclear confrontation, states that in order to prevent a
nuclear war and to get the Soviets to seriously negotiate, we must first
achieve nuclear parity with the current deployment of missiles in Europe? And
secondly, that we must reach a position of strength from which meaningful
reductions can be made. According to Dr. Sakharov, if it is only by
attaining...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
I’m sure Dr. Sakharov has a lot of fascinating things to say, but boil it down
to a brief question if you would...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: Therefore, to push for nuclear freeze at this time would be detrimental
for the safety and security of the free world. Would it not?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Carl Sagan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Carl Sagan: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Imagine
a room awash in gasoline, and there are two implacable enemies in that room.
One of them has 9,000 matches. The other has 7000 matches. Each of them is
concerned about who’s ahead, who’s stronger. Well, that’s the kind of situation
we are actually in. The amount of weapons that are available to the United
States and the Soviet Union are so bloated, so grossly in excess of what’s needed
to dissuade the other, that if it weren’t so tragic, it would be laughable.
What is necessary is to reduce the matches and to clean up the gasoline.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">GENERAL
SCOWCROFT: I have great respect for Carl Sagan’s judgment, but it is true that
Andrei Sakharov himself suggested that the United States probably had to deploy
the MX missile in order to bring the Soviets to the bargaining table.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, folks, before we even start with a smattering of applause. We had a
little compact before. We’re going to keep it to no signs of approval or
disapproval. Let’s go on to the next question there. The lady in the back.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.F.
BUCKLEY: I don’t think Dr. Sagan should be allowed to shake his head.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
We’ll let Dr. Sagan shake his head and you can shake yours. Let’s get on to the
next question. Please.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: Many of the panelists have been emphasizing that what the real
objective is is the pursuit of stability in the world. Secretary McNamara and
Mr. Kissinger both emphasize this. I have to ask in light of that, and if we
want to reduce the probability of a conventional war escalating into a nuclear
war, is it time for us to question our policies in the Middle East and our
invasion of Grenada, our plans for an invasion of Central America. Isn’t that
the type of situation that could in fact emerge and erupt into a nuclear war?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Mr. Buckley?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: Well, theoretically anything could result in a nuclear war if the
Soviet Union thought it could win it, but I think that we proved that we are
stronger than Grenada and that in flexing our muscles there we probably
convinced the Soviet Union that it would not be profitable to provoke us with a
nuclear war but that they had better watch out before they start trying to
gobble up the Caribbean. So I think on the whole, our venture in Grenada was
definitely a venture towards stability, and I wouldn’t be surprised if when he
was Secretary of Defense Mr. McNamara had an invasion of Grenada as a contingency
operation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">TED
KOPPEL: Did you?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, let’s go on to the next question. Yes, sir. I’d like to return to an
affirmative approach to some of these problems. Secretary Kissinger mentioned
the need for new institutions with which to maintain stability. At this time
thousands of Americans have joined together to work for the establishment of a
national peace academy which would focus and concentrate study and research in
the field of peacemaking and conflict resolution. My question to the panel is:
would it not be a method of trying to prevent what we saw tonight, by devoting
some of our resources to the field, to study and research in this field? And
isn’t it time that we got on with it?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Dr. Kissinger, are we, in suggesting a peace academy and suggesting that we
devote our resources to that, are we being naïve, or is that in fact the
reality with which we have to come to grips?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Now, I think that the problem of peace requires
careful thought and study. I am uneasy about the concept of a peace academy
because I do not believe you can segregate the notion of peace from the general
conduct of international affairs. It used to be said 25 years ago, in fact, I
said it myself at the time, that if we could only devote more resources to the
study of arms control, we would make great breakthroughs in thinking about arms
control. In fact, almost all of the breakthroughs that were made in thinking on
arms control happened before a lot of resources were devoted to its study
because I had an uneasy feeling the same papers were written over and over
again as research funds became available. I don’t like the idea that peace is
something abstract and that there’s a group of peace lovers and a group of war
mongers. I think we have to study the whole context of international relations
for the purpose of bringing about peace, stability, progress towards peace and
stability. I wouldn’t... so it isn’t something I would have publicly opposed or
taken a position on, if you hadn’t raised the question on this program and I
wouldn’t feel deprived if...<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Ladies and gentlemen, let me give you a fair warning. We’re coming down to
roughly our last 10 minutes, so let’s see if we can make the questions crisp,
and the answer equally crisp. Yes, sir, it’s your question.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: I’d like to direct my questions both to Mr. Scowcroft and Mr.
Kissinger. If in fact what we’re trying to do now is move away from
single-warhead... move away from MIRV ICBMs toward single-warhead ICBMs, why
are we then moving forward with the 10-warhead MIRV MX missile?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
General Scowcroft.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">GENERAL
SCOWCROFT: I think because it’s essential to deploy the MX in order to get from
here to there. The single-warhead missile is a long ways away. The Soviets at
the present time have an advantage in land-based ICBMs. You can argue about the
significance of that, but in fact it does exist. There’s no reason they should
give up that advantage without some incentive to do so, and last but not least,
we’ve now had four presidents who have said that the MX missile is important if
not vital to our national security. Now to get back to this idea of deterrence,
and the will aspect of deterrence, to go back on that when there’s been no
change in the circumstances, it seems to me, would be very detrimental, but the
small single warhead missile can best survive in an arms control environment
which the MX should help preserve.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Senator Warner, I’m not going to call on you for the very reason that your
senatorial rank gives you a chance to talk to these gentlemen all the time. The
lady over there on the aisle.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: You’ve talked a lot, Mr. Sagan, about a nuclear freeze. How can you
talk about nuclear freeze when we’re dealing with people who would kill
civilians on an airliner, who would use chemical weapons against women and
children, along with soldiers, and people who have never held up to many
treaties that we made with them? How can we trust the Soviet Union when we’re
talking about arms control and a nuclear freeze?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">CARL
SAGAN: Without debating whether what you said is factually right or not, which
could be interesting, but maybe too time-consuming, let me merely quote Averill
Harriman who said in this context that the only thing you can trust the
Russians to do is to act in their own interest, and it is very clear that it is
in their interest, as it is in our interest, to first freeze and then make a
very steep decline in the total number of warheads in the world. What’s more,
we do have to trust and we can trust our own technology because the ability of
the United States through reconnaissance satellites and other national technical
means to verify a freeze and a major reduction is very clear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, let’s move on to the next question. The gentleman with his right
hand up. Go ahead.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: I’d like for the panel to react to a key point that I think that they
haven’t reacted to this far, and that is: how do you accomplish a verifiable
reduction in nuclear arms?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Mr. Buckley, do you want to take a crack at that?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: That’s a technical question I don’t have the answer to. Why do they
allege that they are violating SALT 1 right now? Maybe Dr. Kissinger can tell
us whether that’s true or not–with that radar installation they have in
Siberia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Well, rather than isolating on that point, is it, in fact, Dr. Kissinger,
possible to independently verify that the Soviets are keeping to agreements
that they make? And to address the point was raised just a moment ago, do we do
it on the basis of trust ever? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">We shouldn’t do it on the basis of trust during the
period that I had access to that kind of intelligence information. I did not
believe that they were violating SALT 1. There was one case of a marginal
nature which was stopped when we called it to their attention, but on that
particular issue of the radar station, that is as described. I would consider
that a violation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, we’re down to our last couple of questions. The lady in the front
row. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">AUDIENCE
QUESTION: Secretary McNamara, you said that you had a list of about 18 things
that the United States could do, and you mentioned no launch on warning. You’ve
written about no first use, and I wonder if you would please tell us what some
of the other things are, both multilateral and unilateral that the United States
and the Soviet Union could do?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Only the top three because we’re running out of time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Robert McNamara: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I’d be happy to tell you later the other 15, but first
we should reduce the number of warheads in Europe far more than we’ve agreed to
so far. There are roughly 6,000 warheads there. They’re obsolete. They’re
vulnerable. They’re dangerous. They’re useless. We could cut them in half
tomorrow and be ahead. Secondly, we should withdraw, of the remaining half,
those that are in the forward areas of Germany. They would be overrun in the
early hours of a conflict. There would be a use-them-or lose-them tension, and
the great danger is they’d be used and start the conflagration we’d all want to
stop. Thirdly, we could engage the Soviets into much more productive
negotiations of how to stabilize our respective forces beyond freezing or
reducing the numbers. This is perhaps the most important single thing we could
do to avoid unintended use of these weapons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">TED
KOPPEL: Mr. McNamara, allow me to consider that your statement of summation,
and I’m going to let the other five panelists give us their closing thoughts
because we are quite literally down to our last couple of minutes. General Scowcroft.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">GENERAL
SCOWCROFT: I think the key issues are how we sort our way through what is a
very dangerous period. I do agree, as Mr. McNamara said, that in the long term,
we have every reason for hope. The resources available to the West are so out
of proportion to those available to the Soviet Union that if we can survive the
next decade, the next 10-15 years, I think we will be in good shape.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
All right, I’m going to place a very high premium on brevity. Dr. Sagan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">CARL
SAGAN: I think that this can be done. We can get out of this trap that we and
the Soviets have jointly set for ourselves and our civilization and our
species, but the way to cut nuclear weapons is to cut nuclear weapons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Dr. Kissinger.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Henry Kissinger: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I think we must have confidence in ourselves and we
can solve both the arms control problem, and we must solve the political
problem that is created by the deliberate creation of tensions in the world. In
that case, if we do not unilaterally disarm ourselves psychologically, I
believe that at the end of a 10 to 15 year period, changes in the Soviet system
that Elie Wiesel has talked about are likely to occur.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Elie Wiesel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Elie Wiesel: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">I’m
afraid of madness. I’m afraid that madness is possible in history. We have seen
that occasionally madness erupts in history, and the only way, I believe, to
prevent that madness would be to remember. If we remember that things are
possible, then I believe memory can become a shield.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
Mr. Buckley.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">W.
F. BUCKLEY: We saw tonight a hypothetical catastrophe. There is an ongoing
catastrophe that is not hypothetical. That’s life in the Soviet Union under
gulag. I very much regret the kind of drunk thought that is encouraged by
ventures of reductionism of the kind that that movie suggested. There is not
that in the conversation here tonight, for which, I think, we are all grateful.
We have only to remember this. We have to fear the Soviet Union because they
have an appetite to govern us and do to us what they have done to their
wretched people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel:</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">
You have taken the words out of my mouth in thanking everyone here for the high
level on which this discussion has been conducted. I would also like to thank our
audience for the thoughtful questions that they posed and to apologize to the
many of you who, I know, wanted to ask questions but simply did not get the
opportunity. One reason you didn’t is that I have a closing thought, and I
would like to deliver it now. It is a paradox that the most emotional issue of
our time, possibly the most emotional issue of all time, namely the potential
annihilation of the human race, needs more than anything to be considered
calmly and without emotion. In that respect, tonight’s presentation of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Day After</i> may have been less than
useful. It is difficult to be calm in the face of Armageddon. It is next to
impossible to be unemotional when the apocalypse is shown to be so easily
within our reach, but if the film has shed something of a national tendency
toward complacency, then that is good. We need to talk about the problem. We
need to examine, not only as a nation, but as members of an endangered species,
a means toward a solution. We cannot succeed in that goal if we are rigid and
doctrinaire in our approach to those with whom we disagree. What is at stake
this time is much more than simply winning an argument. This coming week,
Tuesday through Friday on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Nightline</i>,
we will present the crisis game. 10 high-ranking officials who served former
administrations in the military, intelligence and in diplomacy will show you
how the decision-making process at the highest level of government works, or
sometimes does not work during a time of great international crisis. Among
those taking part, former senator and Secretary of State Edmund Muskie will
play the role of president. Former Secretary of Defense and advisor to
presidents Truman and Johnson, Clark Clifford, who will play the role of
Secretary of State, and playing the role he also played in government, former
Secretary of Defense, James Schlesinger. The crisis game will be on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Nightline </i>this coming week, Tuesday
through Friday 11:30 p.m., 10:30 central time. That concludes this edition of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Viewpoint</i>. Again, my thanks to everyone here.
I’m Ted Koppel in Washington. Goodnight. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">ANNOUNCER:
From Washington, this has been an ABC News special edition of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Viewpoint</i>.</span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-2823935358975516712016-08-01T20:34:00.004+09:002022-10-30T10:19:03.037+09:00Lessons from The Day After for New Cold Warriors<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lessons from <i>The Day After </i>for New Cold Warriors: The ABC News Discussion Panel on the Film that Shook the Reagan Years</span></b><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><i>From the beginning and throughout all the years of the <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">C</span>old War, the United States led the Soviet Union in total numbers of strategic nuclear bombs and warheads. The bitter US political debates of the 1970s and early 1980s about nuclear strategy, nuclear force levels, supposed Soviet first-strike capabilities, and strategic defense hinged on arguments as divorced from reality as the debates of medieval scholars about the characteristics of seraphim and cherubim.</i></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><br />
<div style="text-align: right;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">-Richard Rhodes</span></div>
<div style="text-align: right;">
<i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Arsenals of Folly: </span></i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><i>The Making of the Nuclear Arms Race</i>, (2007) </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">p. 97 </span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In the spring of 2016, season four of
the Cold War spy drama <i>The Americans</i>
was released with an episode entitled <i>The
Day After</i>. The story, set in the autumn of 1983, used the broadcast of the ABC
television film <i>The Day After</i> as a
central influence on the characters and plot of the serial drama. This
reference to this television special produced so long ago is a
testament to its historical significance. The inspiration for the film <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">came from</span> the mass popular
movement for a nuclear freeze and nuclear disarmament, a movement which had grown
in reaction to President Reagan’s hardline anti-communist <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">dismissal</span> of détente
with the Soviet Union. One million people had marched in Manhattan in June
1982, and the anti-nuclear message was considered important enough for even the
board of a corporate broadcaster to approve the expensive production of a film
that would show in graphic detail the nightmare of full nuclear exchange
between the US and the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), a<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">n influential group of hardline anti-communist Washington insiders, had been active since 1976 in trying to convince the American public that <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">America was falling behind the Soviet Union in the arms race and faced an exist<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">ential threat <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">from the "evil empire</span>."</span></span> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On November 20, 1983, the film was seen
by an estimated audience of 100,000,000. The broadcast was an event that many
would remember as traumatic and a turning point in their awareness of the world
they inhabited. It was simply unbelievable that a major network had chosen to
show this horror to a prime time audience. It was a most uncanny "interruption of regular broadcasting" to the consumer consciousness.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Reagan administration was in a panic
about how to respond, and the official backlash was anticipated by ABC. The
news division prepared a post-broadcast discussion that would allow a panel of
establishment experts to respond to the film and explain to the American public
that the situation was and always would be under control. Nonetheless,
officials had lost control of the narrative to a certain degree. Popular
resistance had led to this film being made, and it spurred further changes that
may not have happened otherwise. Ronald Reagan later admitted to being deeply
affected by it, as well as by other films, so it is safe to say that <i>The Day After</i> had an influence in the
significant reductions in nuclear arsenals that were made over the following
decade. In his second term, Ronald Reagan shocked even his own cabinet with his
determination to rid the world of nuclear weapons.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The video of the discussion is freely
available on YouTube, but the transcript posted on this blog is, I believe, a
first which I hope will be used by other researchers or translators. <a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2016/08/full-transcript-discussion-panel-held.html">A separate blog post has the full transcript</a> by itself, while this one below is a
collection of segments of the transcript and discussion of the main points
covered by each guest on the panel.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The video is in the public domain, so
the transcript is published here with the understanding that it is fair use for
non-commercial purposes. For all other purposes, contact ABC News.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Highlights
and Discussion of <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ABC
News Viewpoint, discussion panel held immediately after the broadcast of <i>The Day After</i><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Washington
DC, November 20, 1983 <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">MODERATOR:</span></b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">Ted Koppel<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">SPECIAL GUEST:<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">PanelISTS:<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">Henry
Kissinger, Elie Wiesel, William F. Buckley Jr., Carl Sagan, Lieutenant General
Brent Scowcroft, Robert McNamara<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<iframe allowfullscreen="" class="YOUTUBE-iframe-video" data-thumbnail-src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/UzXcQ2Lr-40/0.jpg" frameborder="0" height="266" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/UzXcQ2Lr-40?feature=player_embedded" width="320"></iframe></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US">ABC News <i>Viewpoint</i>, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">November 20, 1983</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">George Shultz<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Secretary of State George Shultz was
the only member of the Reagan cabinet to participate in the discussion to
express the administration’s reaction to the film. Without strongly condemning <i>The Day After</i>, he spoke calmly and
reassuringly to tell the American public that the film is a “a vivid and
dramatic portrayal of the fact that nuclear war is simply not acceptable,” and
it is “possible to have a policy that prevents nuclear war.” He reminded the audience
that President Reagan had a policy of balance and deterrence but was also working
on reductions “right down to zero.” Thus he stated that what was depicted in
the film should show the president’s hardline critics that he is right to
pursue this goal. He expressed confidence that people throughout the world,
including in the Soviet Union, feel the same moral imperative to eliminate
nuclear weapons.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">Henry
Kissinger<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">By 1983, Henry Kissinger was widely regarded by his critics as a war criminal who should have been banished from public life at the very least, but preferably treated like German and Japanese Class A war criminals. He planned the secret bombing of Cambodia and the violent overthrow of Allende in Chile during the Nixon administration, to name just two achievements on his resume. Considering his complicity in Richard Nixon's crimes, it's a wonder he emerged unscathed and joined this panel a decade later for a discussion about how to establish peace and stability in the world. However, it must be noted that by this time in 1983, Kissinger was one of the sober-minded realists when it came to disarmament. He and Nixon had started disarmament talks with the Soviet Union, and the </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">détente</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<![endif]--> that they had established was now considered too soft by the thirty-one radicals in the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD) who were appointed to the Reagan administra<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">tion</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span> <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">It was</span> the policies of the CPD that had been adopted by Reagan during his first term as president.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Henry Kissinger began by expressing strong
disapproval of the graphic “orgy” of carnage and destruction in the film that portrayed a
hypothetical nightmare, one that he claimed everyone was well aware of. With these
comments he may have been dismissing the public as irrelevant because certainly
people in the higher levels of academia, government and the military knew the
problem well, but he did not seem to realize that for the average citizen, this
film really was a startling reminder of a danger that was kept out of mind in
daily life. Or it could be that Henry Kissinger really preferred that the
public shouldn’t think too much about it. He seemed to imply that <i>everyone who mattered</i> was well aware of
the problem. He elaborated on his views by saying: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">…
this film presents a very simple-minded notion of the nuclear problem and it
deals with the most obvious question that a general nuclear war aimed at cities
is a disaster and a catastrophe… the problem we have to grapple with is how to
avoid such a war, how to preserve freedom while seeking to avoid such a war,
how to establish, how to create a military establishment that reduces the
dangers of such a war, what arms control policies are compatible with this
policy, how we handle crises… To engage in an orgy of demonstrating how
terrible the casualties of a nuclear war are, and translating it into pictures
from statistics that have been known for three decades... I would say: what are
we to do about this? Are we supposed to make policy by scaring ourselves to
death, or is somebody going to make some proposals about where we are supposed
to go?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Henry Kissinger went on to emphasize
that the number of nuclear weapons is not the main problem. Others on the panel
were in general agreement. He added that the world was still grappling for a
way to manage nuclear weapons, that they were “weapons in search of a
doctrine.” He said the challenge involved such things as avoiding accidental
triggering of nuclear war, and ending the launch-on-warning policy, which is
problematic because both nations see an advantage in being ambiguous about
stating what they would do if they believed missiles were incoming. He also
emphasized the importance of structuring the deterrent force in such a way that
it removes enemy incentives for a first strike, and stabilizing political
tensions while not becoming “morally and psychologically disarmed” about the
danger posed by other nuclear powers. The number of nuclear weapons is not a
prime concern for other reasons. Reducing the arsenal involves modernizing the
arsenal, and this process raises many questions about how to quantify and
define what constitutes a reduction. Do we count the missiles, the warheads, or
the total megatonnage of explosive force? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">At one point Dr. Kissinger even warned
of the possibility of a limited nuclear exchange occurring, so in that event
there would have to be a way to stop it from escalating. He claimed that the
horrible total war shown in the film was more likely in a scenario where the
superpowers had a low number of weapons because the lack of overwhelming mutual
deterrence would lead to instability and risk-taking.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Reagan administration was famous
for launching an ambitious space-based anti-missile defense system nicknamed
Star Wars, but it eventually came to nothing because of opposition in Congress.
It had an effect on the Soviets in getting them to seek dialogue in arms
reduction talks. This issue came up in one of the audience questions, and Henry
Kissinger was unenthusiastic about the idea of a technological fix for
disarmament. He said, “I do not believe… that there is one reliable
technological means on the basis of which you can say that now the danger of
nuclear war has been eliminated.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="266" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/7VG2aJyIFrA" width="320" youtube-src-id="7VG2aJyIFrA"></iframe></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><i>The Day After</i></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">Elie Wiesel<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ted Koppel said that the philosopher
and theologian Elie Wiesel had been invited for a “humanistic touch,” but as a
Holocaust survivor he brought a perspective that seemed out of place. He joined
other panelists in warning about disarming too carelessly, comparing hasty,
unilateral nuclear disarmament to Nazi appeasement. However, just as it was a
false analogy to compare Saddam Hussein in 2003 with Hitler in 1933, nuclear disarmament
cannot be compared to historical cases of appeasement. The nuclear holocaust,
if it happens, is likely to start through a series of errors rather than
through a deliberate genocidal policy targeting a minority. It is a unique and
totally new sort of dilemma. As such, Elie Wiesel’s statement that “the whole
world strangely has turned Jewish” was hard to comprehend. I would say that
Jews who lived in fear of being sent to death camps faced something much worse
than modern Americans living beside missile silos. Meanwhile, there could have
been so many other qualified people to take this place on the panel, people who
could also speak with a humanistic touch but with much more expertise and
experience in fighting for nuclear disarmament. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In 1983, the movie <i>Silkwood</i> was released, and so the scandalous health and
environmental record of the nuclear bomb production complex had been known
since the mysterious death of Karen Silkwood in 1974. Massive protests had been
held at the Rocky Flats factory in recent years, so there were numerous people
who could have joined the panel to speak about the consequences operating that bomb
factory and others like it. A representative of the Ploughshares movement, or <i>hibakusha</i> from Nagasaki and Hiroshima
could have been invited to make the moral and religious case for unilateral
disarmament and peacemaking in America’s antagonistic foreign relations. Perhaps
some veterans of the Nevada bombs tests could have talked about the harm that
comes from nuclear weapons before they are ever used in war. Finally, and most
obviously, there were no women on the panel!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Another notable absence was any form of
representation to speak about the Soviet point of view. It was unthinkable for
this show’s producers, from their studio in Washington, to invite a Soviet
diplomat, Sovietologist, or even a mainstream writer like <i>New York Times</i> journalist Hedrick Smith, author of <i>The Russians</i>, a book about his years as
a correspondent in the USSR. No one seemed to give a thought to hearing
non-American perspectives. The “other” who was much discussed by the panel, had
to remain behind the curtain, de-humanized and voiceless while this insular
panel of Americans discussed this very international problem. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The most insightful thing that Elie
Wiesel added to the discussion was his remark about the potential for popular
movements in the Soviet Union. He reminded everyone that there was a human
rights movement there and he had witnessed Soviet Jews demonstrating for their
rights. He said:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I
have the feeling that what is happening here in Western society, meaning there
is an increasing awareness about the nuclear madness… it is beginning to happen
in Russian society as well. The human rights movement in Russia, headed by
Sakharov, who is a great hero and a great man... the human rights movement is
an anti-nuclear movement in Russia.<span style="text-transform: uppercase;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Other members of the panel also
commented on the growing possibility of reform in the Soviet Union, and it
would have been logical for them to mention here the significance of the
Helsinki Accords, but the topic was never pursued. They also noted the need to
negotiate with the Soviets toward gradual reduction of tensions. In this
regard, they make a striking contrast with today’s political class who have
thoroughly demonized Vladimir Putin and Russia to the point where progress in
nuclear disarmament has been reversed. Communism is gone as a threat. No one
can claim that unilateral disarmament will expose Americans to being dominated
by a godless, totalitarian Stalinist enemy bent on world domination. There may
have never been any truth to the fear sixty years ago, but now that it is
definitely gone, an enemy has been re-created and the Obama administration and
the neo-conservative think tanks supporting presidential candidate Hillary
Clinton make the Reagan administration look like doves.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">William F.
Buckley Jr.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">William F. Buckley Jr. was the only
person on the panel to maintain an archaic hardline stance toward the Soviet
Union. The hardliners in the administration<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> from the <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Committee on the Present Danger,</span></span> people such as Ric<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">hard Perle and Dick Cheney, were curiously absent from this panel discussion. <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Buckley</span></span> seemed to allow for no possibility of dealing with Soviet leaders as humans
with their own aspirations for peaceful settlement of the terrifying dilemma
under discussion. Thus he is here shown to be the one who most failed to see, like so many other ideologues of the time, the changes
that lay ahead in the late 1980s. A French demographer<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">, Emman<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">uel Todd, had written a thesis in 1976 that accurately predicted the timing and process of the collapse of the Soviet Union, but it was completely ignored.</span></span></span><br />
<br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Others on the panel mentioned the possibility of
reform and spoke confidently of their ability to negotiate with their Soviet counterparts.
They mentioned the possibility of getting the number of weapons in the world
reduced by 20,000 within the next ten to fifteen years, and this number turned
out to be underestimated. By the mid-1990s the world total had gone from 60,000
to 16,000. But William F. Buckley could see only danger ahead. He stated that
the makers of <i>The Day After</i> sought to
“debilitate American defenses.” When asked if American involvement in Latin
American wars could lead to superpower nuclear conflict, he glibly said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Well,
theoretically anything could result in a nuclear war if the Soviet Union
thought it could win it, but I think that we proved that we are stronger than
Grenada and that in flexing our muscles there we probably convinced the Soviet
Union that it would not be profitable to provoke us with a nuclear war…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In his concluding remarks he declared: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There
is an ongoing catastrophe that is not hypothetical. That’s life in the Soviet
Union under gulag. I very much regret the kind of drunk thought that is
encouraged by ventures of reductionism of the kind that that movie suggested… We
have to fear the Soviet Union because they have an appetite to govern us and do
to us what they have done to their wretched people.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Soviet leaders of the time were no doubt
dumbfounded to know that there were Americans who still thought this way. Reagan’s
Evil Empire speech (March, 1983) had left them scratching their heads about
these Americans who were suddenly looking at the USSR as if nothing had changed
since Stalin died. In the early 1980s, the aging Soviet leaders were dying in
quick succession until Gorbachev came to power in 1985. The USSR was on the
brink of economic collapse, riven with internal dissent, failing to make any
progress in Afghanistan, and living in dread fear of America’s strategic and
material advantages. They would have been flattered by Mr. Buckley’s high
estimation of their abilities, but confused and offended by his notion that, if
empowered to do so, they would have even wanted to conquer and oppress an
America unprotected by nuclear weapons.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Finally, Mr. Buckley misrepresented two
facts in one statement when said: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We
began with a monopoly of atom bombs. We offered to give them to the United
Nations. When we had a monopoly we dropped one on Japan. If Japan had had one
we wouldn’t have dropped one on Japan, so I see nothing that has changed
involving that essential stability, and although all of us wish this nightmare
would go away, in point of fact it is probably not going to until somebody does
a lobotomy on the men in the Kremlin, and nobody suggested doing that.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In Japan it was two bombs in quick
succession, as everyone knowns, and the offer to the United Nations refers to
the Baruch Plan of the late 1940s which was an American proposal to put atomic
energy development under the control of the UN. It has been largely forgotten
because it became obvious that it was never a serious proposal. The Americans
drafted it with terms that they knew the Soviets were sure to reject. Bertrand
Russell later wrote about it:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
Baruch Plan is often questioned on whether it was a legitimate effort to
achieve global cooperation on nuclear control... there were certain additions
which, it was hoped, would make the proposal unacceptable to Russia. The hope
proved justified. (Bertrand Russell, <i>Has
Man a Future?</i> 1962, Simon and Schuster, pages 25-26, 98)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The great thing that one can say about
William F. Buckley is that, by comparison with contemporary “conservative”
television personalities, he was gracious and kind to the guests he invited
onto his program, <i>Firing Line</i>, and he
invited everyone from across the political spectrum. He had many liberals,
poets and hippies on his show, and they often got such positive exposure that
one could wonder if Mr. Buckley was secretly more liberal than he let on. The
best example of his hospitality and his love of freedom may be the time he let
Alan Ginsberg charm him with a six-minute reading of </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eKBAJYceQ54"><i>Wales Visitation</i></a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,
a poem he wrote under the influence of LSD.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<iframe allowfullscreen="" class="YOUTUBE-iframe-video" data-thumbnail-src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/eKBAJYceQ54/0.jpg" frameborder="0" height="266" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/eKBAJYceQ54?feature=player_embedded" width="320"></iframe></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Alan Ginsberg reading <i>Wales Visitation</i></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">Carl Sagan<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Carl Sagan was the token representative
of the “radical fringe” that favored rapid disarmament. At the start he stated:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">…
we’ve been sleepwalking during the last 38 years and passed this problem
without really coming to grips with how dire and compelling it is, and I think
ABC should be congratulated for spurring what I hope will be a year-long debate
on this issue, but it’s my unhappy duty to point out that the reality is much
worse.<span style="text-transform: uppercase;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While the realists in the room talked
about the need to accept that the number of warheads will remain in the
five-figure range, Carl Sagan reminded the audience that the limit for
triggering a life-destroying nuclear winter would be about 1,000 weapons, and
he argued for getting the number down as low as possible as soon as possible.
He pleaded with Americans not to accept the status quo and remember:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">…
just as slavery was once in the world, and people considered it impossible to
change, and it was everywhere, well, now we have a world in which there is
virtually no chattel slavery. Conventional expectations about what is
inevitable can be changed if there is political will.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On space-based weapons he said: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">…
for them to have any adequacy to stop a significant strike, they have to have a
technology which does not exist today, which the best experts in the field say
cannot exist, in any case something which would cost enormous amounts of money
that would have to be deployed on an absolutely unprecedented scale, and which
is vulnerable to the simplest kinds of countermeasures, so my sense is that the
ballistic missile defense system that is being talked about–and there are a variety
of them and obviously we don’t want to get into the details–is dangerous…
because it lulls us into thinking that we can get away from this problem
without the kind of confidence-building and stabilizations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">He favored the nuclear freeze (a halt
to all growth and modernization of the nuclear arsenal) because it:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">…
tends to prevent the introduction of further destabilizing modernization, and
it would almost certainly be followed, as in the Kennedy-Hatfield resolution,
by an agreement on an annual percentage drop in nuclear weapons, and if that’s
at the 5 to 10% a year level…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When asked if this would be a form of
dangerous appeasement, he responded with his famous analogy:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Imagine
a room awash in gasoline, and there are two implacable enemies in that room.
One of them has 9,000 matches. The other has 7000 matches. Each of them is
concerned about who’s ahead, who’s stronger. Well, that’s the kind of situation
we are actually in. The amount of weapons that are available to the United
States and the Soviet Union are so bloated, so grossly in excess of what’s
needed to dissuade the other, that if it weren’t so tragic, it would be
laughable. What is necessary is to reduce the matches and to clean up the
gasoline. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">After giving this response, he was
confronted with a question about trusting an adversary when “we’re dealing with
people who would kill civilians on an airliner, who would use chemical weapons
against women and children, along with soldiers, and people who have never held
up to many treaties that we made with them?” Carl Sagan’s reply:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Without
debating whether what you said is factually right or not, which could be
interesting, but maybe too time-consuming, let me merely quote Averill Harriman
who said in this context that the only thing you can trust the Russians to do
is to act in their own interest, and it is very clear that it is in their
interest, as it is in our interest, to first freeze and then make a very steep
decline in the total number of warheads in the world. What’s more, we do have
to trust and we can trust our own technology because the ability of the United
States through reconnaissance satellites and other national technical means to
verify a freeze and a major reduction is very clear.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Throughout the panel discussion there
was frequent reference to the questions of being able to trust the Russians to
avoid blunders, to not launch a first strike, either deliberately or through
error, to not launch on warning, and how to verify the adherence to treaties
and so on. The panelists said such things as, “They only respond to strength.
They take our goodwill gestures as signs of weakness. They won’t give up
anything they can keep for free. They only act out of self-interest.” No one
evinced much awareness that the Soviets must have viewed the Americans with the
same suspicions, or that Americans themselves were fallible human beings with a
fallible political system.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">Lieutenant
General Brent Scowcroft<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As is often the case, it is the
generals who have the most objective understanding of conflicts and human
nature. To those who asserted that deterrence is guaranteed at the present
time, General Scowcroft stated, “It [nuclear war] may be unthinkable, but
deterrence is a very ambiguous notion. It cannot be demonstrated unless it
fails, in which case you know it was not there. Otherwise, it cannot be
demonstrated.” He was the only one on the panel who filled audiences in on some
basics of Russian history, saying:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We
have probably very different ideas about deterrence than does the Soviet Union.
I think we tend to think that nuclear weapons have done away with war as an
instrument of national policy… The Soviet Union, however, both as a result of
its history of repeated invasion and the extent to which ideology still
motivates its belief that it is surrounded by hostile states, probably wants
nuclear war no more than does the United States, but I think realistically it
anticipates that it could happen. And if it could happen, then they must do
their best to prepare for it, and I think it is that that is the essential,
central issue of deterrence, and that is we must have a military posture which
the Soviets, whatever they think about deterrence, whatever they think about
the nature of nuclear weapons, can never imagine that resort to them makes
sense.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The general’s most intriguing comment
came when he spoke of a policy that laid bare America’s determination to always
have supreme dominance over the world order and appoint itself the keeper of
stability. It is well known now that the nuclear arsenals of the US and Russia
have gone from their Cold War peak of 60,000 to about 14,000 weapons. Yet still
these two nations hold 93% of the nuclear weapons in the world. This begs the
question of why the decrease stopped and has stayed at this excessive level
since the mid-1990s. General Scowcroft revealed a grim reality of superpower
policy when he said:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In
some respects, the lower the numbers, the more unstable the situation and the
more the encouragement for other powers to acquire nuclear weapons… if each
side of the Soviet Union and the United States has only a thousand weapons, or
each only 500, that encourages other powers to become major nuclear powers in a
way that they can do because the numbers are relatively small.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">More is less in the doublespeak and
paradoxes involved in the possession of nuclear arms. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In his concluding remarks, General
Scowcroft said something that proved to be an accurate assessment ten years later
when the weaknesses of the Soviet Union were laid bare in its collapse. He
reminded the audience that Americans should not over-estimate the capacity, not
to mention the will, of the Soviet Union to harm the United States. He finished
with a statement conservative scaremongers
preferred to leave unsaid:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
resources available to the West are so out of proportion to those available to
the Soviet Union that if we can survive the next decade, the next 10-15 years,
I think we will be in good shape.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The mention of this time frame proved
to be an accurate prediction of when the Cold War would end. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="text-transform: uppercase;">Robert
McNamara<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Former Secretary of Defense during the
1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, Robert McNamara, seemed to speak the most during the
discussion, with intensity and strong convictions that alternated between being
reassuring and alarming:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I
do not believe the American people understand the world we live in. I do not
believe they understand the full risk that we face. There are 40,000 nuclear
warheads in the inventories of the US and Soviet Union today… I don’t know any
arms expert, and I doubt if anyone in this room believes in the next 10 to 15
years we can reduce that number by more than half…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In response to W.F. Buckley’s question,
“What makes you think we’ll be alive 15 years from now?” he said:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Because
in addition to stressing reduction in the numbers of weapons, we need to stress
introducing stability in the forces to avoid temptation to either side to
pre-empt, and most of all we need to introduce steps to reduce the risk that
those weapons will be used… We live in a nuclear world by stressing that this
is a plus sum game that we’re working on. There is a commonality of interests
between the Soviets and the US to avoid the use of these weapons. That’s what
that film shows. I totally disagree with those who say it’s a disservice to the
nation to show the film. Not at all. It’s stimulating discussion on exactly the
issue we ought to be discussing.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Like Henry Kissinger, Robert McNamara often faced criticism that he was a war criminal for his involvement in the Vietnam War as Secretary of Defense. However, in the 2003 documentary <a href="http://www.errolmorris.com/film/fow.html" target="_blank"><i>Fog of War</i></a>, Mr. McNamara discussed his regrets and the mistakes in foreign policy during the war in a way that Kissinger never did. In this panel discussion twenty years earlier, the difference between the two men was already visible. Mr. McNamara was optimistic that conflict with the USSR could be avoided if both governments acted prudently and took some necessary measures. He expressed more understanding of the common humanity of the Soviet leadership and had a more realistic assessment of the threat they posed, which was much less what anti-communist hardliners always wanted to have everyone believe. </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Toward the end of the program Mr.
McNamara responded to a person in the audience who asked him to list some of
the steps that need to be taken to improve stability and guarantee that nuclear
war never happens. Many of these were indeed carried out in the years that
followed thanks to the Reagan-Gorbachev summits, <i>perestroika</i>, and probably thanks to some degree to the film <i>The Day After</i>:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We
must be more daring, we must be more imaginative as a society, not just as a
government–-as a society–to reduce this risk and we must negotiate. We must
drag the Soviets into negotiating.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">I
don’t think fundamentally we’re talking about a deliberate decision to launch
nuclear war. We’re talking about behavior in a crisis where each side is
estimating both the posture and the will of the other side, in which case
miscalculations can make all the difference between peace and war, and it is in
that guise that we must ensure that the Soviet Union can never miscalculate.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We
should not have a strategy that is designed to maximize casualties because then
if anything goes wrong, we will have Carl Sagan’s world [the nightmare of a
full exchange]… Nobody that I have ever talked to knows how to stop a nuclear
war once it is started. Therefore, for God’s sake, don’t ever start one. That’s
the first point. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We
need to maintain and tighten our non-proliferation policy... Secondly, we need
to establish procedures that will ensure that our nuclear forces are not
triggered by a terrorist launch of a weapon, or by an accident, a mechanical or
a human failure, and we need to ensure that the Soviets are following the same
procedures… and then we ought to try to persuade them to adopt as well, is to
state publicly we will never, never, never launch on warning. We have not yet
said that nor have they. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We
should not create myths of our weakness. In the 1960s, the presidential
campaign was fought on the myth, as it turned out later, of a missile gap.
Recently we’ve had the myth, and it is a myth, of a window of vulnerability,
and it was General Scowcroft’s commission that tore aside that myth and
destroyed it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">…
first, we should reduce the number of warheads in Europe far more than we’ve
agreed to so far. There are roughly 6,000 warheads there. They’re obsolete.
They’re vulnerable. They’re dangerous. They’re useless. We could cut them in
half tomorrow and be ahead. Secondly, we should withdraw, of the remaining
half, those that are in the forward areas of Germany. They would be overrun in
the early hours of a conflict. There would be a use-them-or lose-them tension,
and the great danger is they’d be used and start the conflagration we’d all
want to stop. Thirdly, we could engage the Soviets into much more productive
negotiations of how to stabilize our respective forces beyond freezing or
reducing the numbers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As was mentioned above, this discussion
panel on ABC was framed by the limited parameters of acceptable dissent within
American corporate media. Yet in retrospect, compared with news programming
available to the American public now on the big networks, it was intelligent,
professional, extremely detailed, and respectful of the intelligence of the
audience. Ted Koppel was well-informed and prepared, and he did an excellent
job of managing both the questions from the audience and the strong
personalities on the panel. In the history of the American nuclear age, there
may be no other example of a better discussion of the issue that was made
available to a mass audience. One could fault the panel for being too attached
to the American nuclear deterrent, and too unwilling to contemplate the dangers
and immorality of possessing nuclear weapons, but again, in comparison to the
present age, the 1980s are starting to look like a golden age of peacemaking–by
a Republican administration! How the political landscape <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">has</span> shifted! The Democ<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">rats <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">have shifted to the</span> right, and the Republicans <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">have gone </span>right over a cliff.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The US now has a Democratic
administration that seems bereft of elder statesmen/women who sense any need to
learn about Russia, understand its perspective, and deal with Russian leaders
diplomatically and respectfully—regardless of whatever internal problems Russia
may have. The mass media has gone along for the ride, demonizing Vladimir Putin
and fretting about a Russian invasion of the Baltic states. Presidential
candidates hurl insults at Putin such as thug, dictator and tyrant, forgetting
that someday they are going to have to deal with him as a partner in resolving
various international problems.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Progress in disarmament is absolutely
impossible when trust breaks down like this, then it becomes impossible to do even
the routine work of mutual inspections and verification of existing arms
reduction treaties. As Robert McNamara stressed thirty-three years ago the need
to empathize with adversaries and “drag the Soviets into negotiating,” he would
be appalled to see the state of US-Russia relations today. Communism is gone,
and no sane person can say Russia has “an appetite to govern us and do to us
what they have done to their wretched people” (it was crazy enough already to
say it in 1983), but for reasons which President Obama cares not to explain, the
old antagonism is back, and perhaps it is worse this time simply because of the
complacency of the masses and the recklessness of the people running Washington.
<i>The Americans</i>–the TV drama–is to be
commended for putting the broadcast of <i>The
Day After</i> into one of its episodes this year. It was a timely reminder, and
perhaps it’s time once again for a mass audience to revisit both the film and
the discussion that followed it.</span><br />
<br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span style="font-size: small;"><b>Related articles</b>:<br /><br /> <a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2015/06/watching-americans-1980s-primer.html">Watching The Americans: A 1980s Primer</a><br /><br /> <a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2015/07/barack-obama-on-nuclear-disarmament-1983.html">Barack Obama on Nuclear Disarmament, 1983</a></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" lang="EN-US" style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-51485773705750131412016-07-10T11:46:00.001+09:002019-03-18T11:10:50.215+09:00An Overview of the Nuclear Age: From Cold War I to Cold War II<i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I was recently asked by a weekly news program to submit
some notes and ideas for a thirty-minute program on the history of America’s
nuclear weapons program, from 1945-2<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">01</span>6. I got a bit carried away and ended up writing
the text that follows. This text doesn’t appear in the program that was
produced, but I was told that it helped shape, </span></i><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">to some unknowable degree,</span></i> the topics covered in the interview with historian Peter
Kuznick. With or without my influence, the interview provided an excellent introduction to the special relationship between Japan and America. A second installment is forthcoming.</span></i><br />
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Imperial Japan, the Bomb & the Pacific Powder Keg</span> </span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On May 27th, 2016, Barack Obama visited Hiroshima, the
first time an American president had ever visited the city while still in
office. His speech there was a sermon that de-personified the attacks and
exculpated the president who authorized them. He spoke only <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">abstract</span>ly about how “death
fell from the sky” seventy-one years ago. With his mind on domestic pressure
not to say anything that resembled an apology, President Obama strenuously
avoided mentioning the nation and the individuals who were responsible for the
decision to drop atomic weapons on civilian populations. Additionally, he made
no specific proposals about moving forward in nuclear disarmament.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span>
<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In American public perceptions, there is still the common
belief that the bombs “ended the war” and saved a greater number of both
Japanese and American lives. A new National Parks museum called The Manhattan
Project National Historical Park, with three venues at Hanford, Los Alamos and
Oak Ridge, is hoping to tone down the triumphal, one-sided aspect of previous
texts and exhibits (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Air_and_Space_Museum"><span class="InternetLink">like the Smithsonian exhibit in 1995</span></a>). They are
now considering incorporating the views of Japanese victims and American
victims whose health was damaged by the production and testing of nuclear
bombs. [1]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nonetheless, the triumphalist perspective persists as a
stubborn meme in American culture, even though the debate among historians is
essentially over. Historians such as <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tsuyoshi_Hasegawa"><span class="InternetLink">Tsuyoshi Hasegawa</span></a>, with his book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Racing Against the Enemy</i>, [2] have shown
that it was the Soviet entry into the war that provoked the Japanese to
surrender on August 15, 1945, one week after Stalin declared war on Japan. If
the surrender hadn’t come then, Japan’s circumstances were so dire that it
would have come soon without the need of an American invasion. This argument
was made by several high military officials in the weeks before the bombs were
used, but by this time a billion 1945 dollars had been spent on the Manhattan
Project, and everyone involved in making the bombs feared the political fallout
of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">not</i> using them. Then there was the
motive to demonstrate to the Soviet Union that America possessed this new
weapon and was willing to use it.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Seventy-one years later, there are now nine countries
that possess nuclear weapons: USA, Russia, China, France, UK, Pakistan, India,
North Korea and Israel, the only one of the nine that maintains a stance of
ambiguity—refusing to declare whether it has nuclear weapons, even though it is
known beyond doubt that they do. In total the nine countries have about 15,000
weapons, with 93% of them held by the US and Russia, with about 7,000 each.
Each side has over one thousand on “hair-trigger alert” status in which they
are vulnerable to accidental launch or an overly hasty decision to launch with
incomplete or inaccurate information held by those who would have to make the
fatal decision.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In 1946, America took control of many of the Pacific
islands it had occupied during the war. Nuclear weapon tests began in July with
the tests in the Marshall Islands on the Bikini Atoll, which prompted a French
fashion designer to launch a swimsuit design we all know today. It was
described that summer as a “weapon of mass seduction” and “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">une</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">bombe anatomique,</i>” but
for Marshall Islanders there were no jokes to be made. They were relocated
within the island chain to small atolls that were already occupied and crowded.
In spite of the relocations, many of the still-inhabited islands were showered
with fallout. US military personnel were also exposed, and some of the
irradiated ships were hauled back to Guam and the US mainland for scuttling or
dismantling. Treasure Island in San Francisco Bay is one of the places where
this contamination remains a problem to this day. [3]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In 1949, the Soviets tested their first nuclear device in
Kazakhstan, and after that the arms race and the global paranoia of mutually
assured destruction accelerated into high gear. By the mid-fifties, both nations
were testing hydrogen weapons which were thousands of times more powerful than
the bombs used in 1945. The public knew little about what was going on, but the
Castle Bravo 15-megaton H-bomb test in the Bikini Atoll, on March 1, 1954, went
horribly wrong for military planners. The yield was larger than predicted, and
fallout landed on several Japanese fishing boats that were outside the zone of
exclusion. The ship called Lucky Dragon No. 5 arrived back in Japan with the
crew suffering from radiation sickness. The captain died shortly after his
return. The lid of secrecy surrounding nuclear testing was blown off because
Japanese media covered the story intensely, and from there the story went
global. Throughout the season tuna caught in the Pacific continued to test
positive for radiation. This incident triggered the anti-nuclear movement
throughout the world, leading eventually to a ban on atmospheric testing in
1963 signed by the US, UK and USSR.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Britain and France had their own arsenals, with their own
testing programs in Australia, Christmas (Kirimati) Island, French Polynesia
and Algeria. China and France did not sign the Limited Test Ban Treaty and
tested in the atmosphere until 1974 and 1980 respectively. India and Pakistan
conducted all their tests underground. In this century, only North Korea still
conducts tests, while the others make do with sub-critical tests and computer
simulations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In 1950, the US had about 1,000 nuclear weapons. By 1962,
at the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis, the USSR and the US each had thirty
thousand. Fearing many of their weapons would be hit in pre-emptive strikes, or
that they would miss their targets, they planned for massive redundancy and
overkill with bombs that had yields big enough to render life impossible in areas
the size of the Boston to Washington corridor. One positive result of the Cuban
Missile Crisis was that it moved both sides to sober up. They installed a
“hotline” so that leaders could communicate directly during a crisis. The
process of détente, a general term for the relaxing of tensions between the two
powers, lasted from the late 1960s to the 1980s, and it helped somewhat to
inhibit enthusiasm on both sides for involvement in conflicts in the developing
world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Newcomers to disarmament studies are confronted with a
bewildering list of acronyms for all the bilateral and international treaties
related to nuclear weapons. Since the early 1960s there has been the Limited
Test Ban Treaty, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the Outer Space Treaty, the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, and all the US-Soviet/Russia agreements: SALT I,
SALT II, START I, START II, START III Framework, SORT, New START, the <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, and
others. [4]</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">The most significant may be the
1968 United Nations </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Non-Proliferation
Treaty, which most of, but not all of, the world’s nations have signed. [5] The
key stipulation of the treaty is that because non-nuclear states have agreed
not to pursue the possession of nuclear weapons, the states that do possess them
are obligated to work in good faith and a timely manner to eliminate their own
arsenals. The Marshall Islands (now an independent country), with the support
of other Pacific island nations affected by nuclear tests, brought a case to
the International Court of Justice in 2014, charging all nine nuclear armed
countries with failing to act on their obligations to disarm. Even the
non-signatories (India, Pakistan, North Korea and Israel) were targeted because
the Marshall Islands case argues that they are still obliged to act under
customary international law.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Presently, only Britain, India and Pakistan have
addressed the charges. The other nuclear powers chose to not respond to the
suit at all. [6] Herein lies a fundamental contradiction of possessing nuclear weapons.
Nuclear armed nations participate in drafting international treaties on nuclear
proliferation and sign them, but possessing nuclear weapons means they can
choose when they do not wish to obey international law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is no enforcement authority that can
make a nuclear-armed state do what it does not want to do, and this of course
is the reason the weapons are coveted. No one has used a nuclear bomb in
warfare since 1945, but the possessors know that the value of nuclear weapons
is in what is called their “non-explosive uses”–their ability to deter,
intimidate, and hold leverage over others.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Another clause in the Non-Proliferation Treaty guarantees
signatories the right to use nuclear energy if they agree to not pursue the
development of nuclear weapons. A large segment of the global civilian
population finds this unacceptable, believing that because every nuclear energy
program produces fissile material, nuclear energy can never be de-linked from
proliferation. Nuclear energy also produces nuclear accidents and nuclear
waste, so they involve the some of the same unacceptable hazards as weapons.
However, the UN agency that is tasked with guarding against nuclear weapons
proliferation, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is also the global
watchdog and promoter of nuclear energy. It even has veto power over the
research agenda and conclusions of the World Health Organization on matters
related to the health effects of radiation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the early 1980s, popular anti-nuclear movements
reached critical mass. In a very different sort of “Manhattan Project,”
1,000,000 anti-nuclear protesters gathered in Central Park, New York in June
1982 to demand a world free of nuclear weapons. Christian evangelical groups
were a reliable source of support for Republicans, but their support of the
anti-nuclear cause worried Ronald Reagan. In his 1983 “evil empire” speech to
evangelicals, he warned them about going soft on their godless adversary. He
had put the world on notice during his first administration that he would take
a hard line against the atheistic empire that he claimed was bent on global
domination. He broke off détente, calling it a “a one-way street that the
Soviet Union has used to pursue its own aims,” [7] and he announced the
space-based anti-ballistic missile initiative that would become known as “Star
Wars,” decisions which critics said went against the provisions of the Outer
Space Treaty and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Star Wars was never
completed, but it served the purpose of striking fear into the leadership of
the Soviet Union that strategic parity would be eliminated by an American
advantage in space-based weapons.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">While he came in like a hawk, Ronald Reagan proved
himself to be a leader of puzzling contradictions. He turned out to be a
different kind of cold warrior than many conservatives expected, especially as
his re-election campaign approached. He remained hawkish on all other issues,
and despised for them by his opponents, but nuclear disarmament was one issue
where he charted a unique course. He rejected traditional hardliners who
planned for a winnable nuclear war and declared himself to be dead serious
about the elimination of nuclear weapons. He claimed to have been deeply
affected by the 1951 movie <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Day the Earth
Stood Still, </i>and was known to exasperate his staff by commenting repeatedly
that peace would be achieved if the human race faced an alien threat. Other
strong fictional influences were the 1983 films <i>War Games</i> and<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Day
After, </i>a television movie which graphically depicted nuclear holocaust in
the American heartland to an enormous prime-time audience of 100 million. [8]
These were instances in which Reagan’s confusion of Hollywood and reality may
have led to something good. By the mid-80s he became worried that his hawkish
policy had spooked the Soviet leadership and alienated the American public
which now wanted a return to détente and a reduction in the number of warheads.
In November 1983 (the same month when <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Day After</i> was broadcast), the Soviets mistook the Able Archer NATO exercise
for the real thing and readied their forces for a nuclear attack. [9] As Reagan
faced re-election, he realized it was time to adopt a softer stance. A few
weeks earlier, Stanislav Petrov, an officer at a Soviet early warning station
was informed by a new computer system that five American missiles were
incoming. Under protocol, he was supposed to inform the higher command, but he
decided, correctly, that it was a false alarm. [10] It is a matter of
speculation as to whether the Soviets would have launched on warning instead of
waiting to confirm nuclear attacks. Some nuclear strategists, such as Robert
McNamara believed it was tacit policy on both sides that no one would be insane
enough to launch on warning. [11] Th<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ese two near misses weren't revealed until years later, so American audiences watching <i>The Day After</i> were unaware of the ironic relationship <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">between fact and fict<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ion in November 1983.</span></span></span></span></div>
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">In the ABC News discussion panel that followed the broadcast of <i>The Day After</i>, (November 20, 1983), Robert McNamara states at the 47:40 mark
of the video that both sides clearly understood the madness of launch on warning, but they maintained a position of ambiguity on their policy. He believed they wouldn't launch on warning.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Reagan was able to resist hardliner opinion because,
unlike a Democrat president, there was no opposition to his right when he
decided to engage with Soviet leaders in arms reduction negotiations. Yet in
spite of his intentions, and the credit for ending the Cold War that Americans
would give him, nothing would have changed if his Soviet counterpart had been
anyone other than Mikhail Gorbachev.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In 1987, Reagan challenged Gorbachev in Berlin to “tear
down this wall,” and David Bowie’s concert at the wall the same year did
essentially the same thing. However, in spite of such Western political and
cultural pressures (and self-congratulation for the achievement), the momentum
for reform came from within the Soviet Union. Gorbachev was a sincere reformer
and humanitarian, brutally honest about the failings of the Soviet system and
the need for “new thinking” inside the USSR and in international relations. The
Berlin Wall came down and the Warsaw Bloc collapsed for complex reasons, but
mostly because Gorbachev made it clear he wouldn’t send in the tanks to prop up
the old system. Once it was clear that the East European regimes were on their
own, events followed their natural course. Gorbachev was preoccupied with internal
problems, more focused on economic and political reforms that would turn the
USSR into a multi-party, democratic socialist market system similar to Western
European countries. [12] By the end of the decade, Reagan was saying that his
“evil empire” comment of just a few years earlier was now irrelevant, as it
applied to a bygone era. In 1987, the two superpowers signed the
Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, the Cold War’s most significant
arms-reduction agreement. By the mid-90s, both nations managed to reduce their
arsenals to about 7,000 weapons each, the level at which they still remain.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Many anti-nuclear activists decry the fact that arms
reduction halted at this still-unacceptable level. Seldom discussed is the
questionable theory that the US and Russia both halted progress at this level because they agreed that their massive
arsenals would deter other nations from ever trying to gain equality and thus
nuclear proliferation is actually discouraged by the existence of this absurdly
large number of nuclear warheads (see th<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">e comments by General Brent Scowcroft in the video above, 39:00~)</span>. [13]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the 1990s, as the secrecy of the Cold War era faded,
the full impact of the nuclear project started to become apparent. Uranium
miners, military veterans, nuclear workers, downwinders and aboriginal and
minority groups near test si<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">te</span>s—in all nations that built weapons—started to
be more aware of the health impacts. Most ominously, it became clear that
genetic damage had been passed onto the children and grandchildren of nuclear
test veterans. [14] </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Official recognition and compensation came to some groups
during the Clinton administration when Hazel O’Leary, an outsider to the
organization, took charge of reforming the Department of Energy. Americans
might have been more aware of Clinton’s apology to victims unknowingly
submitted to radiation experiments, but the news was pushed to the back pages
on October 4th, 1995 by the announcement of the OJ Simpson verdict. [15]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In recent years, Gorbachev has spoken often about the
West’s broken promises to not expand NATO eastward, as well as other disastrous
reversals of the trust that was built long ago. This month, 30 years after the
historic 1986 Reykjavik summit with Reagan, Gorbachev noted the betrayal and
disappointment that came after that hopeful time. [16] He said all attempts to
resolve the numerous conflicts of the previous two decades militarily (<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and
Syria</span>) through a “cult of force” have solved no real problems, and only
led to the erosion of international law and the glorification of force. <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">He added, “There has been a collapse of
trust in relations between the world’s leading powers that, according to the UN
Charter, bear primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and
security</span>.” He stated that the international community cannot make
progress toward the goal of a nuclear weapons-free world until the world gets back
to normal politics and international relations are demilitarized.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is important to mention here that, in contrast to his image in the West as an inspired world leader, Gorbachev has always been despised by millions of people within the former Soviet Union who see him as a betrayer of the revolution. His opponents always said that his latter-day regrets were entirely predictable at the time he was making concessions to the United States. They criticized him at the time for not doing more to hold the union together and not preventing opportunists like Boris Yeltsin from destroying it. Considering the massive suffering that occurred in the former Soviet Union during the 1990s, and damage caused throughout the world by unchecked neoliberalism and American military interventions, there is a strong argument to be made that the disappearance of the Soviet Union was not something to be celebrated. Since many of its reforms had already been successful by the late 1980s, there is no reason to say the union had to disintegrate and socialism had to fail and succumb to the gangster capitalism of the Yeltsin years. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In contrast to the days when the West found Gorbachev to
be an international figure of great stature, his recent comments were reported
only in a medium that the Obama administration considers to be a “Russian
propaganda tool.” As a response, Obama counters with $100 million spent on
nurturing Russian dissidents who are, supposedly, going to encourage a
non-existent pro-American constituency within Russia to bring the country into
line. [17] They fail to take note that the only significant opposition to Putin
is in the nationalistic and belligerent parties that think he is too soft on
America.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Amid this stalled progress caused by the deliberate
antagonizing of Russia, President Obama's pledge to work toward a world free of
nuclear weapons (for which he won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2009) is a dead
letter. With so many congressional districts addicted to defense spending,
Obama had to exchange the elimination of some aging weapons for the nuclear
weapons modernization plan that will cost $1 trillion over thirty years.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Meanwhile the world sits on a toxic legacy of nuclear
waste that will plague the planet long into the “deep future.” Seventy-four
years after the Manhattan Project began, there are still no proven successful
nuclear waste repositories, and that goes for both military and civilian waste.
After all, how could anyone guarantee perfect containment for 100,000 years,
with no fires, explosions, leaks or intrusions down in the hole? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In addition, sites throughout the country, like West Lake
near St. Louis, and Niagara Falls, New York, are contaminated with wastes from
weapons production. The large former weapons factories in places like Hanford,
Washington, Rocky Flats, Colorado and Paducah, Kentucky (a partial list)
present challenges that will stretch so far into the future that they might as
well be called eternal. The promised cleanups that began decades ago are not
going well. And the same goes for all nuclearized states.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Staff in America’s weapons labs were actually assigned
science fiction creative writing tasks to get them to consider all that could
go wrong with the WIPP nuclear waste storage site in Southeast New Mexico.
Their writing of a scenario known as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Free
State of Chihuahua</i> amounted to federal employees envisioning a future when
the federal government no longer exists, a scenario in which New Mexico has
reverted to its previous Mexican and Native American cultures, and impoverished
inhabitants find the WIPP site and start salvaging the “valuable” scraps
within. [18]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This example shows the extent to which the defense
industry is the nation’s make-work program, engaged in elaborate plans to deal
with a waste legacy of monstrous proportions while at the same time adding to
it. The industry may not hire many science fiction writers, but it is often
touted as the last sector of the American economy that manufactures <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">something</i>, that provides high-paying
jobs to engineers and keeps the economy of states like New Mexico viable. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So is it the demand for jobs and economic spin-offs that
leave our world bristling with thousands of nuclear missiles? Is it corporate
lobbying and greed and the need to expand weapons markets that has led to Cold
War II with the extension of NATO to Russia’s border? Can a popular “<a href="http://www.icanw.org/projects/dont-bank-on-the-bomb/"><span class="InternetLink">don’t bank on the bomb</span></a>” campaign succeed? Would a
boycott of weapons financers work, or does the deadlock need to be broken by
political leadership that has higher aspirations than jobs and profits? Are
there any political leaders on the horizon who can repair the broken trust and
militarized politics that Gorbachev speaks of? President Obama finished his
speech in Hiroshima by saying “we can choose a future in which Hiroshima and
Nagasaki are known not as the dawn of atomic warfare but as the start of our
own moral awakening.” Yes we can, or how about yes <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">he</i> can, for only he has the power to awaken morally to the
implications of his administration’s reckless attempt to provoke and
destabilize Russia, the indispensable nation in his stated ambition to lead the
world toward the elimination of nuclear weapons.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notes</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[1] Joe Copeland, “</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://crosscut.com/2016/06/hanford-hiroshima-atomic-history/?utm_source=Crosscut+Daily+Newsletter&utm_campaign=ded758b8dd-Daily_Crosscut_Newsletter_2_12_152_11_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_efe7a35aed-ded758b8dd-261879658"><span class="InternetLink"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">At Hanford, a chance
for a fuller telling of atomic history</span></span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Crosscut</i>, June 9, 2016.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2]
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Racing the Enemy:
Stalin, Truman, and the Surrender of Japan</i> (Harvard University Press,
2006).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[3] Marisa
Lagos, “<a href="http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/SF-releases-Treasure-Island-addresses-where-5719052.php"><span class="InternetLink"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Radiation levels at
Treasure Island sites called no health threat</span></span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">SF
Gate</i>, August 28, 2014,</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[4] <a href="https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/USRussiaNuclearAgreementsMarch2010"><span class="InternetLink">U.S.-Russian Nuclear Arms Control Agreements at a Glance</span></a>,
Armscontrol.org.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[5] <a href="https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/nptfact"><span class="InternetLink">The
Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) at a Glance</span></a>, Armscontrol.org.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[6] Merritt Kennedy, “</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/03/07/469521887/tiny-marshall-islands-taking-on-3-world-nuclear-powers-in-court"><span class="InternetLink"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Tiny Marshall
Islands Taking On 3 World Nuclear Powers In Court</span></span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">National
Public Radio</i>, March 3, 2016,</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[7] “<a href="http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=44101"><span class="InternetLink">Ronald
Reagan’s News Conference—January 29, 1981</span></a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The American Presidency Project</i>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[8]
Matthew Gault, “<a href="https://warisboring.com/this-tv-movie-about-nuclear-war-depressed-ronald-reagan-fb4c25a50044#.5ov2lub0f"><span class="InternetLink">This TV Movie About Nuclear War Depressed Ronald Reagan:
‘The Day After’ made the president rethink nuclear proliferation</span></a>,” <i>War
is Boring</i>, February 19, 2015.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[9] Peter
Beinart, “<a href="http://foreignpolicy.com/2010/06/07/think-again-ronald-reagan/"><span class="VisitedInternetLink">Think Again: Ronald Reagan</span></a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Foreign Policy</i>, June 2010.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[10] Colin
Freeman, “<a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/film/the-man-who-saved-the-world/nuclear-war-true-story/">How
did one grumpy Russian halt Armageddon</a>?” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Telegraph</i>, May 11, 2015.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[11] <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UzXcQ2Lr-40">ABC News Viewpoint: Discussion
panel held immediately after the broadcast of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Day</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">After</i></a>, November
20, 1983. Robert McNamara states this point from the 47:40 mark of the video.</span></div>
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[12]
Mikhail Gorbachev, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Gorbachev: On My
Country and the World</i> (Columbia University Press, 1999) p. 34.</span></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">3</span>] <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UzXcQ2Lr-40">ABC News Viewpoint: Discussion
panel held immediately after the broadcast of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Day</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">After</i></a>, November
20, 1983. General Brent Scowcroft states this point from the 39:00 mark of the video.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[14] Chris
Busby, “<a href="http://www.theecologist.org/News/news_analysis/2987658/chernobyl_genetic_damage_and_the_uk_nuclear_bomb_tests_justice_at_last.html"><span class="InternetLink"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Chernobyl, genetic
damage, and the UK nuclear bomb tests - justice at last</span></span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">?</span>” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Ecologist</i>, May 6, 2016,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[15]
Marlene Cimons, “<a href="http://articles.latimes.com/1995-10-04/news/mn-53213_1_radiation-experiments"><span class="InternetLink"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Clinton Apologizes
for Radiation Tests</span></span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,”
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Los Angeles Times</i>, October 4, 1995. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[16]<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> “</span><a href="https://www.rt.com/news/345374-gorbachev-world-leaders-biggest-mistake/"><span class="InternetLink"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Gorbachev warns
world of ‘cult of force,’ says all recent conflicts could have had peaceful
solution</span></span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Russia Today</i>, June 3, 2016. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[17] Ricky
Twisdale, “<a href="http://russia-insider.com/en/politics/vicky-nuland-we-spend-100-mil-year-trying-destabilize-russia/ri14888"><span class="InternetLink"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Nuland to Congress:
We Spend $100 Mil a Year Trying to Destabilize Russia</span></span></a><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Russia
Insider</i>, June 9, 2016.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[18]
Joseph Masco, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Nuclear Borderlands: The Manhattan Project
in Post-Cold War New Mexico</i>, Princeton University Press, 2006, p. 197-202.
Masco describes the original research document containing the Free State of
Chihuahua scenario: <a href="http://www.ratical.org/radiation/IntoEternity/WIPP_PICsTC/10000yrsSolitude.pdf"><span class="InternetLink"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">10,000 Years of
Solitude?</i></span></a> published by Los Alamos National Laboratories. The
title chosen by the government scientists is an interesting tip of the hat
toward the Latino heritage of New Mexico and to the magic realism of both
novelist Gabriel Garcia Marquez (author of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">One
Hundred Years of Solitude</i>) and the American nuclear weapons project.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Other links</span></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strategic_Arms_Limitation_Talks"><span class="InternetLink">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strategic_Arms_Limitation_Talks</span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_on_the_Non-Proliferation_of_Nuclear_Weapons"><span class="InternetLink">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_on_the_Non-Proliferation_of_Nuclear_Weapons</span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strategic_Arms_Limitation_Talks"><span class="InternetLink">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strategic_Arms_Limitation_Talks</span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_on_the_Non-Proliferation_of_Nuclear_Weapons"><span class="InternetLink">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_on_the_Non-Proliferation_of_Nuclear_Weapons</span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/nptfact"><span class="InternetLink">https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/nptfact</span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/USRussiaNuclearAgreementsMarch2010"><span class="InternetLink">https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/USRussiaNuclearAgreementsMarch2010</span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<br /></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-50365745867982541482016-07-02T23:40:00.000+09:002019-03-18T22:38:38.078+09:00Witnesses of the Bomb: Fifty Years Since the First Nuclear Bomb Detonations in French Polynesia<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Part 1
Introduction</span></b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">July 2nd, 2016 marks fifty years since
French Polynesia became a “center for experimentation” for the French nuclear
weapons program. We could call the quiet disaster that followed “the Chernobyl
of the Pacific.” The voices of those who lived through this period (1966-1996)
sound all too similar <span style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">to those
in<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Voices
of Chernobyl, </span></i><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">by Svetlana
Alexievich</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">. </i></span>Yet the
significant difference is that Chernobyl was an unintended, though perhaps
predictable, catastrophe. The French nuclear tests in the South Pacific were
plotted and carried out over thirty years, premeditated with full awareness of
what the consequences could be. The French program also differed from the
American program in the Marshall Islands in that it was carried out in a
well-established colony of France. The Americans were newcomers when they came
to the Marshall Islands and imposed their plans for destruction on a
defenseless culture. The French nucleocrats came to Polynesia seeking the
cooperation of the territorial government which, if not for the temptations of
jobs and economic benefits brought by the CEP (<i>Centre d’expérimentation du
Pacifique en Polynésie française</i>), could have opposed the nuclear tests and
probably could have succeeded in stopping them. And this is one aspect of the
story that stings the conscience of Polynesia to this day. The tests did
proceed, against the strong objections of the world and all other Pacific
Island nations, and they were carried out after the United States and the Soviet
Union had recognized the madness of atmospheric and underwater tests and halted
them in the early 1960s.</span></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRIzfCAjcZgR4IbVlEScXfV5-_cYbIvSR7Te95jk5dzgUzXilVzMv2jtSFu0d3Yt4q50Rz59o4bi5fhPjC6Wc4y9KUyd9qxzxmarh0SxWqBdNUiaGaSNSu4Q24kqSK2xRaPDMPiWzNlUs/s1600/polynesie-2juillet.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRIzfCAjcZgR4IbVlEScXfV5-_cYbIvSR7Te95jk5dzgUzXilVzMv2jtSFu0d3Yt4q50Rz59o4bi5fhPjC6Wc4y9KUyd9qxzxmarh0SxWqBdNUiaGaSNSu4Q24kqSK2xRaPDMPiWzNlUs/s320/polynesie-2juillet.jpg" width="226" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On July 2nd, as Polynesians gather to
remember the testing era, in solidarity with the military and civilian veterans
from France who are also victims of the fallout, they are protesting several
aspects of their official treatment. One is the lack of progress in recognition
of health effects and compensation for victims. The Morin Law of 2010 was
supposed to have been a major step in this direction, but out of the 1,000
applications filed, only 20 have led to compensation, and only four of those
individuals were Polynesian. [1] Another issue is decontamination work that
still needs to be done on the inhabited island of Hao. Polynesians are also displeased
with the unapologetic stance of the French government which was made obvious
during President Hollande’s visit earlier this year. While admitting to the
consequences of testing, he never came close to saying the nuclear tests are
something to be regretted, and, unsurprisingly, he failed to say anything about
France living up to its obligation to disarm, as required by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty (NPT). He declared only, “I recognize that the nuclear tests conducted
between 1966 and 1996 in French Polynesia had an environmental impact, and
caused health consequences,” but he added that without its overseas
territories, “France would not now have nuclear weapons and the power of
dissuasion.” [2] Thus, though he admitted that the testing program had grave
social and biological consequences, the lack of apology was equivalent to
saying Polynesians had made a noble sacrifice and France was at best grateful
for it.</span></span>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In recent years, pro-France and
pro-independence parties have been in and out of power. For periods of several months,
or one, two or three years, the pro-independence leader Oscar Temaru was president
of French Polynesia (2004, 2005-2006, 2007-2008, 2009, 2011-2013), and during his
time in power he initiated programs to investigate the effects of nuclear
testing and to educate Polynesians and the world about the nuclear testing era.
It was during this time that Bruno Barrillot was appointed by Temaru as lead
researcher, and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Witnesses of the Bomb</i>
project was one of products of these efforts. Eight of the testimonies from the
exhibit and related book have been translated and published below. The French
version of the thirty-seven-page book is available as a free pdf download </span><a href="http://www.assemblee.pf/_documents/actualites_documents/livret_temoins_bombe.pdf"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">here</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">.</span></span></div>
<div align="center">
<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoNormalTable" style="mso-cellspacing: 0cm; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;">
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<tr style="mso-yfti-firstrow: yes; mso-yfti-irow: 0; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;">
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<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This week (late June 2016), at the exhibition <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Polynesia Under the Bomb</i>, Oscar Temaru
stated the case for Polynesian independence, saying that in order for
Polynesia to succeed at the International Court of Justice, it must attend as
a sovereign nation, and in order to sign cooperative accords with France, the
two nations have to negotiate as equal, independent states. He called the
existing Papeete Accords a great lie carried out with the complicity of “the elected
sellouts of our country.” [3] </span></span></div>
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<br />
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
excerpts that follow are translations of testimonies in the </span><a href="http://www.tahitinews.co/louvrage-temoins-de-la-bombe/"><i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Witnesses of
the Bomb</span></i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
publication</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
that was released in 2013. The French text, with portrait photography of the
witnesses, is available online at no cost. Part 4 is a transcript of an
interview with Bruno Barrillot about the project.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjR4Yz7cneNCsRvqQ1UqexyNQcTWZnGuQeGhAY0RcWNCqCusP4e89BaaTO6nJLKYDat4uAhxhmWK-nhfsyH66a0YTzkQcKzDPuxnrm5CuY98o7NBd-I1hmuUC7-u75betlZHaciiSXCtpQ/s1600/IMG_1980.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="199" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjR4Yz7cneNCsRvqQ1UqexyNQcTWZnGuQeGhAY0RcWNCqCusP4e89BaaTO6nJLKYDat4uAhxhmWK-nhfsyH66a0YTzkQcKzDPuxnrm5CuY98o7NBd-I1hmuUC7-u75betlZHaciiSXCtpQ/s320/IMG_1980.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 5"/>
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<td style="border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 467.5pt;" valign="top" width="623"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
<b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">Memorial Site for Nuclear Testings, Papeete, Tahiti,
French Polynesia </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , serif; font-size: 10.0pt;">Between 1966 and 1996, France detonated 193 atomic bombs on
Moruroa and Fangataufa Atolls. The land and people of French Polynesia’s six
archipelagos–symbolized by these six stones placed on a traditional <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">paepae</i>–faced significant upheaval, as
the nuclear tests were imposed on them. Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Bikini,
Enewetak, Montebello, Emu Field, Maralinga, Malden, Kiritimati, Johnston,
Moruroa, Fangataufa–the many locations around the Pacific chosen as nuclear
test sites by the United States, the United Kingdom and France. The thousands
of former test-site workers and the peoples of the Pacific live with the
memory of these weapons, which today still continue to affect their health
and environment. This Memorial Site was inaugurated during the Presidential
term of Mr. Oscar Manutahi Temaru, 2nd of July 2006, the fortieth anniversary
of the first nuclear test on Moruroa Atoll.</span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
</td>
</tr>
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<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Part
2</span></b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://youtu.be/_AkBpZYPMYs"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Video interview
with Bruno Barrillot on the <i>Witnesses of the Bomb</i> project</span></b></a><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (in French
with English subtitles, translation by Dennis Riches)</span></b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<iframe allowfullscreen="" class="YOUTUBE-iframe-video" data-thumbnail-src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/_AkBpZYPMYs/0.jpg" frameborder="0" height="266" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/_AkBpZYPMYs?feature=player_embedded" width="320"></iframe></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></span></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
English transcript can be found at the end of this article.</span></span>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Part 3<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Excerpts from:</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <i><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Witnesses of the
Bomb </span></i><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[4] translation by Dennis Riches</span></span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">i.</span></b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <b>Foreword by
Bruno Barrillot: To give meaning to things unsaid</b></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The big bang of the bomb has not
finished propagating its waves through the Polynesian universe. There isn’t
really any scientific discourse, or even a rational discourse throughout these
thirty-three testimonies. In effect, how could one be rational when the big
bang has taken root in a nest of irrationality and denial of all humanity?</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">For the exhibition <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Witnesses of the Bomb</i>, Marie-Hélène Villierme and Arnaud Hudelot
have, each with their own art form, captured these Polynesian voices before
they fade. In order to not forget.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Marie-Hélène, the photographer, has
caught in these thirty-three portraits expressions of indignation in some,
resignation in others, the emotions always overlaid with modesty. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Arnaud Hudelot, the director, effaced
himself behind the testimonies of the witnesses. The videos reveal long monologues
imprinted with memories that have now escaped being lost to time. They tell of
unexplained mourning, endured in general indifference, and the fear in which
one makes a tentative explanation of a social disruption still so poorly grasped.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This story is one of infinite sadness!
Had these words ever been uttered on the nuclear atolls, how they could have
had the power to frighten and dissuade. And still there is this bomb which,
today, some dare not call by its name: “that thing,” said Jacqueline. Or there
are still these diseases with no name which the doctors refrain from
qualifying. And there is still the remorse, barely concealed, in which some
imagine themselves still guilty for having touched the money that came from the
bomb.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There is hope, nonetheless, with this
pride in having resisted, with bare hands, one could say, the steamrolling
onslaught of a moneyed propaganda machine, with an ardent desire to construct a
memory for the generations to come.</span></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOQ20B3qFt-3nG1Ud1tE38wwsHcZABIJcEQ8p03Db_O1KsYCB_fnNrWhmbkLcO2iaYkt2akFNn6YZ1teFMVNK56L3Zg-qGrfUOVhoWKHw3e-ra5DYlBD579tLgReu_LmhCKmekBIRkan0/s1600/IMG_6644.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOQ20B3qFt-3nG1Ud1tE38wwsHcZABIJcEQ8p03Db_O1KsYCB_fnNrWhmbkLcO2iaYkt2akFNn6YZ1teFMVNK56L3Zg-qGrfUOVhoWKHw3e-ra5DYlBD579tLgReu_LmhCKmekBIRkan0/s320/IMG_6644.jpeg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr align="left"><td class="tr-caption">The memorial to victims of nuclear testing, Papeete, Tahiti. Photo by Robert Jacobs.</td><td class="tr-caption"><br /></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b>ii. Roland Oldham</b></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;">Roland Oldham has been president of the organization Moruroa e tatou since its creation in 2001. He recalls protesting against the nuclear tests when he was sixteen years old.<br /><br />Roland Oldham is well known for his severe criticism of politicians of French Polynesia who allowed themselves to be corrupted by the bomb money. “Many of our deciders, only because of this monetary gain, participated in this adventure. Even if they had doubts, it is a fact that the money was convincing enough, and the rare politicians who opposed the nuclear tests were harassed by the French state.<br /><br />He denounces the policy of deterrence of the French state. “You have to understand that there is a propaganda machine that is very powerful. And I remember just ten years ago it was still very difficult to speak to journalists about the nuclear tests. The next morning, those who had dared speak of them would be ripped to shreds in the press. So, we have to look at the situation as it is: this machine was so strong that politicians, and even the churches in Polynesia, supported the nuclear tests because the economic fallout was important, and it was precisely this economic fallout that also overturned Polynesian society.”<br /><br />He continues, “The State used a formula that worked fine for forty years. They bought support, then they conducted the tests. People closed their eyes and stuck to the lie. Today, I think the State is using the same formula that is proven to work. When we see our politicians taking advantage of the trend, of the work that has been done by our citizen groups, we see that they do it not so that the victims will be compensated. They go to the French state to negotiate for more money for general use, but it is not tied to an explicit policy that states how it will help Polynesia.<br /><br />Roland Oldham is aware that many generations will have to keep up the fight against the consequences of the nuclear tests and that it is now essential to focus on the younger generations. “There were about 150 underground tests at Moruroa and Fangataufa, and that must be the highest concentration of nuclear tests on such small atolls. You have to wonder what’s going to happen when there have already been leaks and a good part of the Moruroa atoll has crumbled. There are real dangers that will be of concern to future generations. I think that one of the most important battles for Moruroa e tatou will be to make the younger generations aware of these dangers.”<br /><br />“Establishing Moruroa e tatou was not simple because in 2001, there were still two clans in Polynesian society. There were those who thought the nuclear tests were not something good for society and for the environment, and they were considered to be anti-French, separatists, etc. Then there were those in the majority who had accepted and even promoted the “clean” nuclear tests. So, from the beginning it was a confrontation between these two clans: the separatists, represented by the Tavini Huiraatira Party, versus the party headed by Gaston Flosse, the Tahoeraa Huiraatira Party. We had to explain to the victims, to the population, that it wasn’t a political question, that the health consequences didn’t affect only members of the Tavini Huiraatira Party and spare members of the Tahoeraa Huiraatira Party. One must also understand that politicians were content to maintain this cleavage between the people. Today they take advantage of the work done by citizens groups, not so much to fight for compensation for the victims but to say to France, “Give us some money!”</span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></span>
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iii.</span></b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <b>Régis Gooding</b> </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Régis Gooding worked at Moruroa from
the age of 16, at the time of the atmospheric tests, to “help his father feed
his four brothers and three sisters.” He tells how a kid of 16 could live so
far from his family in such a dangerous workplace: a life that was practically
a dream, full of unknown pleasures–cinema, water sports…</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“It was a great life because we didn’t
have to worry about meals. Our laundry was done on the ship. We were there to
get on with the work of the atomic bomb, but everything was done for us to make
sure we wouldn’t get bored. We were kept busy.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Régis describes the bomb, as he saw it
from the ship he was based on at Moruroa, without forgetting all that was
forbidden… “As if you could stop a Polynesian from eating fish!” </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Discrimination? “After a detonation,
the technicians from the CEA came with their equipment, gas masks, all covered
up in white suits, with boots and gloves, while the Polynesians and local
workers were in their sandals and shorts, longshoreman’s wear, with nothing
special. That was their work outfit.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Régis stayed only one year in Moruroa,
but he returned when he became a soldier and was sent there in 1977 for a
military mission. He witnessed the land collapsing after an underground
detonation, and the tsunami that followed it. “It was after this that the
legionnaires built a protective wall and installed security platforms.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Régis’ father also worked at Moruroa.
He was ill, but he was hired anyway by the CEA in Mahina. His eczema got so bad
that they told him not to come back to work. He died finally of the cancer that
had been called “eczema.” Régis asks with resentment, “Why are such people who
worked for the bomb forgotten? He was in Muru, he got skin cancer, but it’s not
his fault, so whose fault is it? Is it because he breathed Polynesian air that
he got contaminated? Who brought this contamination here?</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“I was 16 when I started to work at the
sites. I was a warehouseman. At that age, it was an adventure, but I also left
in order to send something to my grandmother because my grandfather had just
passed away. The hardest time was the evenings and the weekends, because you
miss your family at that age. But there everything was done to make sure no one
got bored. There were a lot of recreational activities: sailboarding, soccer, motorbikes,
cinema, picnics–like living in a chateau or something! A friend of mine was
stricken because he had eaten some fish. His skin fell off. He was admitted to
the infirmary, then after that no one knew where he went. But among us, we knew
how many sick ones there were. I have a lot of friends who have died. In 2002,
I came back from the army and I found two or three friends, but I was told the
others were all dead.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iv.</span></b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <b>Chantal Spitz</b></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Chantal Spitz described her first
experiences as a protester against nuclear testing: “When I came back home I
was always in trouble because it wasn’t acceptable behavior for the dominant
aristo-bourgeoisie.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">After having described the shadowy
connivance of a certain segment of Polynesian society with the colonial system,
the author sums up the pain of her people: “We have just lived through thirty
years so terrifying that I don’t know if we can ever restore ourselves again,
and what makes me afraid is that we are going to pass this pain on to our
children and grandchildren because they won’t have the tools to journey across
this history. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“Without the active participation of
local authorities, the French state could never have done what it did here. At
the same time, it is difficult to feel betrayed, betrayed by oneself. We
believe we were betrayed by others. Why wouldn’t we? But to have betrayed
oneself, that’s harder to face. I believe we can measure the poisons in the
environment, eventually. We take measurements, record a certain level of
radioactivity, see the dead coral. No problem. But how do we measure the
poisons in our minds and in our souls? We can’t measure them, and we can’t even
prevent ourselves from transmitting them to our children and grandchildren.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Chantal Spitz finishes on a note of
pride. “But it was a great thing that we marched. It was–I don’t want to say
courageous–but we had to do it. We had to dare to do it.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A message of hope and dignity addressed
to the younger generation?</span></span><br />
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";"><br /></span></b><b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">v. Raymond Pia<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Raymond
Pia started to work at the CEP in 1968, and continued until 1996 when he
retired. He was recruited by a sub-contractor, Sodetra, as a welder. Later he
worked various trades, but he worked for a long time as a welder on the barges
during the time of the aerial tests then during the underground tests. Raymond
described his working conditions: “I worked there for the money. Before I
signed my contract, they said nothing at all about the job involving risks.
They had us sign that we would absolutely never say anything about what we saw.
It was a state secret, and if we talked, we risked going to prison. But as for
other kinds of risk, no, they indicated absolutely nothing about such problems.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Raymond
describes more about what it was like. He wasn’t afraid at the time of a
detonation because he and his Polynesian colleagues were not informed about the
operations. “So we were there, and we didn’t worry much about what was going to
happen. We ignored everything. We built platforms six meters high for the
underground tests. The ground shook, and we saw the platform shake too. After
thirty seconds it stopped, and we stayed on the platform until our bosses gave us
the order to come down.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">“Today
I can say that the life of Tahitians has totally changed. Today they have great
difficulties because they have left their lands, their islands. They haven’t
planted anything for themselves. They ate what was easy and fast, and now they
are sick because of it.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Six
years after he retired, he learned he was sick. He had to go to France, to
Villejuif, for radiotherapy. Raymond has one great concern: “My testimony is
for the generations to come. It is they who will suffer the consequences.
Today, it is obvious that there are many illnesses in Polynesia. In the past,
these were unheard of. We are in our sixties now, but the youth, their future?
It is too late. The damage is done. That’s my testimony.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">vi. Jaroslav Otcenasek<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Jaroslav
Otcenasek worked from the first days of construction of the CEP installations
in Tahiti. “Before that, I was working a little and I earned 20 francs a week.
Working at the CEP, you could earn 140 francs per week. So you see the
difference. This is what destabilized everything. Everyone gave up fishing,
agriculture, raising animals. What you used to earn in three months could now
be earned in a week. Everyone gorged on this, but without knowing the dangers
that came with the bomb.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Jaroslav
explains the consequences of this CEP gold rush: “Everyone ran to Papeete. In
the past we went there once a week or once a month just to buy necessities:
flour, sugar, etc. But when the CEP arrived, even people from the outer islands
swarmed to Papeete. There was one construction job after another. They left
their lands and their islands to crowd into the city. Nowadays, it’s very
difficult to get them to go back.”</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;">Awareness
of the dangers of the nuclear tests emerged slowly: “It took a certain number
of years for us to start seeing our friends dying, or getting sick. It was
always those who had worked on Moruroa or Fangataufa. When they came back, they
were forbidden to speak about their work. If they talked, they got kicked out
right away, and were never re-hired. So we believed the military was trying to
hide something. But it took a long, long time. It was taboo to talk about it.”
Jaroslav passes severe judgment on the period of the CEP: “For me, it was
horrible because there was no benefit afterward. Now there are diseases and we
have a troubled nation. I would like to say to young people: get up and fight
until the day France recognizes what was done and apologizes for having harmed
us. Then I will certainly be able to say I’m proud to be French.”</span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">vii. John Doom<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Former Secretary General of the Maohi Protestant
Church<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">John
Doom had his first “experience” of the nuclear tests in 1963 when he was deacon
of the French parish in Papeete. Along with Pastor Jean Adnet he had learned
about the construction of the CEP, so they published a short article in the
parish journal asking for a <i>commodo-incommodo</i>*
public inquiry. Result: the pastor was banned from staying in Tahiti for more
than six months!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Three
years later, on July 2, 1966, John Doom found himself on the island of
Mangareva [near the test sites] working as an interpreter for the minister of <i>France d’Outre-mer</i> [French overseas
territories]. The history is well known. The Gambier Islands were heavily
contaminated by the fallout from the first bomb on Moruroa, after which
officials slipped away as fast as possible, leaving the local population uninformed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Describing
these weapons on the national broadcaster [ORTF, <i>Office de Radiodiffusion-Télévision Française</i>], John recalls a
report he had to make to the authorities explaining why he had broadcast, after
a test, a message warning the inhabitants of the islands. As he was general
secretary of the protestant church, John tells of the internal conflicts that
existed because officially the church did not have a public position against
the tests until 1982, saying then they were not without harm.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">But
since then, the opposition by the church has been strong and, since 1996, it
has been on the side of the victims and has supported <i>Moruroa e tatou</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">It
must be said that since 1989, John Doom has been <i>Directeur du Bureau Pacifique du Conseil OEcuménique des Eglises à
Genève</i>, a strategic post that facilitates the internationalization of the
struggle against the French nuclear tests.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">“The
first nuclear test took place on July 2, 1966. It so happened that I was the
only functionary to have been authorized to accompany Minister Billotte,
elected officials of T’uamotu and an elected representative of the territory,
Mr. Gaston Flosse, who was originally from the Gambier Islands. So we left for
Moruroa then headed to Mangareva. On July 2nd, early in the morning, we went up
the mountain on Taku to see the mushroom cloud. I had to turn my back and put
my hands on my eyes, then wait for the word that it was alright to look. I have
to say I was disappointed because we had been told that there would be a
beautiful mushroom made up of various colors, but all I saw was a kind of
elongated cloud.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">“The
next day we had to have a great feast with the inhabitants to celebrate the
first detonation. But that night it rained, and the next day they told us we
had to leave right away. I learned later that the rain was radioactive, that we
had to leave, and that we had to say nothing about it. We left the inhabitants
in complete ignorance. And I think that was the first lie of the French
government because General Billotte, arriving in Papeete, held a press
conference and stated that everything had gone well.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">John
Doom is a pillar of the history of the opposition to the nuclear tests in
Polynesia, a role which makes him encourage the younger generation to get
involved: “The tests are over. That’s a fact, but we will live with the
consequences for hundreds, if not thousands, of years. It’s not something
that’s over and behind us. You, the young generations, you must get involved.
It is essential for the future of our people. Look around you. Ask questions to
your parents. There is no family in Polynesia that wasn’t affected. Get
together and concern yourselves with our future.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
</div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">* </span></b><i><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Commodo/incommodo</span></i><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";"> authorizations define the development and
operating conditions deemed necessary to protect the environment and ensure the
safety of workers, the public and the neighborhood in general.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">viii. Michel Arakino<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Michel
Arakino was born on the Reao Atoll and grew up there. Today he lives in Tahiti.
Michel described his childhood memories: “It was fun for us, at the age of nine
or ten, during the time of the nuclear tests. We went into houses with
pressurized air to protect us from the fallout. But after the fallout passed,
we went out to big boats off the coast. It was fun because they gave us
candies, and they did medical checks on us. There were doctors there tracking
everyone and watching over us.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">After
his military service in France, Michel was hired by the army to work in the
<i>Service</i> <i>Mixte de Contrôle Biologique</i>
on Moruroa. “The Foreign Legion gathered soil from around the atoll and made a garden
plot. Scientists studied the uptake of radioactivity in this garden. We weren’t
protected as we should have been, but according to our supervisors there was no
risk. We harvested watermelons, melons, sweet potatoes, cucumbers... The
scientists said they were fine, and because they said so, we ate them. We put
the leftovers in salads.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Michel
later became a diver, and he was tasked with taking water samples from the
surfaces of underground wells. “We measured radioactivity leaking from openings
made in the places where cables had been placed for the detonations. I wouldn’t
say it was minimal exposure. There was measurable leakage in a zone 500 meters
in diameter.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Michel
also related all the pressure put on him from the military and political sphere
when he decided to join the citizens’ group <i>Moruroa
e tatou</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">“From
1981 to 1996 I was a diver at Moruroa. My work consisted of taking biological
samples from around the zones and in the zones where the detonations had
occurred. At the first meeting of <i>Moruroa
e tatou</i>, I came just to listen and tell my bosses what they were saying,
but then I was especially struck by Dr. Sue Roff. I was sitting in the front
row watching this woman explain the effects of radioactivity. Everything she
said concerned me directly. I was the positive control organism in this
experiment, and that’s when I realized what I was passing down to my children.
That’s when I started asking questions to the authorities, and they quickly became
hostile. What should I say? It was like we were no longer friends. The
relationship was tarnished because I was asking too many questions about the
state of my health.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";">Note: </span></b><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;">Bruno
Barrillot and John Doom both passed away in the latter months of 2016.</span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.oikoumene.org/en/press-centre/news/wcc-mourns-the-death-of-polynesian-nuclear-fighter-john-doom">John Doom obituary</a></span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
</div>
<div align="left" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://litbyimagination.blogspot.jp/2017/03/bruno-barrillot-dedicated-opponent-of.html">Bruno Barrillot obituary</a></span><span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Open Sans";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Part 4
Transcript </span></b><a href="https://youtu.be/_AkBpZYPMYs"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">of a video
interview with Bruno Barrillot on the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Witnesses
of the Bomb</i> project</span></b></a><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (video in French with English
subtitles), translation by Dennis Riches</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The question “Was Polynesia contaminated?” is not a question
for the present. It’s a certainty about what happened during the time of
nuclear tests in the atmosphere. All of Polynesia was showered with radioactive
fallout. There is no doubt about that. They even admit it. But they say, “For
sure it was admissible. The norms of the time permitted it.” That’s the
nonsense they tell us today.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When we demanded the opening of the archives of the
classified files under the new law of two years ago, they found there were a
few documents missing from the years 1966-67. What can be seen in these files
stamped classified for national security? We see records of meetings of
military authorities, the highest authorities, including the director and the
high commissioner of the CEA [<i>Commissariat à l’énergie atomique</i>],
professor Rocard, the so-called father of the French bomb. They were all there
around a table in Paris saying “Alright, we’re going to do tests in French
Polynesia. We will still have to be sure that there is no contamination of the
population of Tureia and Mangareva because the people there are genetically
fragile.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">So they knew. It’s written there in black and white! All
those people there were visiting during the time of the tests saying they came
to admire <i>les vahines*</i> of Mangareva or Tureia. They went to see the
nature and the little flowers and said how lovely it was. They came acting in
friendship to these people when they knew very well that their bombs were going
to, shall we say, disrupt their health and the very life of these small,
defenseless populations.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Sure, it’s in the past. It was especially bad in the time of
the atmospheric tests, but how can we measure the consequences for the present?
It’s in the health of the Polynesians. How many women and young Polynesians
have been diagnosed with thyroid cancer among those who were children at the
time of the atmospheric tests? I’m not saying every problem was caused by the
nuclear tests. For sure there are many other possibilities that are related to
modern lifestyles that came from the money brought by the nuclear tests, but we
can still state that the nuclear tests had an impact on the serious problems in
public health that exist here with, for example, the high rate of cancer and
cardiovascular diseases.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This is taught. It is known, for example, from what happened
in the Marshall Islands, what international specialists knew about illnesses
caused by radiation. We know. We know it today. We know that it is not only
cancers that come from contact with ionizing radiation. There are also many cardiovascular
diseases. And genes are affected too. So this is known–officially. In fact, all
this was known in the 1950s. The Americans had published studies on the
survivors of Hiroshima, and on the first tests in the Marshall Islands.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In 1957-58, among the scientific community there was a sort
of outcry. There were symposia of Nobel prize physicians throughout the Western
world which said to the nuclear powers, the United States and the Soviet Union,
stop atmospheric testing. And there were often more than one hundred parents
among them. They were endangering the health of all humanity and so both the
Soviet Union and the United States decided to stop the tests in October 1959: a
moratorium.** And France began tests in 1960, but everything was known at the
time. Everything was known.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">And so today when some want to make excuses, and even when
some Polynesian interlocutors, perhaps good Christians say, “OK, listen to the
military people. When they came they didn’t know everything about
radioactivity.” Not true. They knew everything. They knew all about it. So, to
be quite frank, I think there is absolutely no excuse. For a country the only
reason that it has for nuclear tests is reasons of state. People: they matter
very little. Workers, military personnel engaged in the process of conducting
tests: they matter very little. It is reasons of state that matter.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">* <i>Vahine</i> simply means <i>woman</i> in Polynesian, but
the term is loaded with connotations of exoticism and mythical fantasies about
the women of the islands, projected onto them by men who came from the outside
world. As such, it could be considered as an example of Orientalism as
theorized by Edward Said. When <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">vahine</i>
is used by outsiders as a borrowed word in French or other languages, it takes
on patronizing perceptions and fictional Western depictions of "The East."</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">** </span></i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">The date given may be wrong.
According to the table in Wikipedia’s </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_weapons_testing#Nuclear_testing_by_country"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Nuclear weapons testing page</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">: “USA
agrees; ban begins on 31 October 1958, 3 November 1958 for the Soviets, and
lasts until abrogated by a USSR test on 1 September 1961.”</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Notes</span></b></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[1] "50 ans de mensonges cela suffit !" <i>Tahiti Nui Télévision</i>,
June 28, 2016, </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.tntv.pf/50-ans-de-mensonges-cela-suffit-_a12584.html"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">http://www.tntv.pf/50-ans-de-mensonges-cela-suffit-_a12584.html</span></a><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[2] Stéphane de Sakutin, “</span><a href="http://www.france24.com/en/20160222-hollande-address-nuclear-test-victims-polynesia-trip"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Hollande acknowledges ‘consequences’ of
nuclear tests on Polynesia trip</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i>AFP and France24</i>, February 23, 2016, </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"><br />
</span><a href="http://www.france24.com/en/20160222-hollande-address-nuclear-test-victims-polynesia-trip"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">http://www.france24.com/en/20160222-hollande-address-nuclear-test-victims-polynesia-trip</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">[3] <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">“</span></span><a href="http://www.radio1.pf/temaru-denonce-les-elus-vendus-de-notre-pays/"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Temaru dénonce les
élus « vendus de notre pays </span></a><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">»,<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">”</span>
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Radio 1 Tahiti</i>, June 27, 2016,</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.radio1.pf/temaru-denonce-les-elus-vendus-de-notre-pays/"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">http://www.radio1.pf/temaru-denonce-les-elus-vendus-de-notre-pays/</span></a><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">[4] </span><a href="http://www.assemblee.pf/_documents/actualites_documents/livret_temoins_bombe.pdf"><i><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Témoins de la bombe</span></i></a><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">, Les éditions Univers
Polynésiens, 2013,</span><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;"><a href="http://www.assemblee.pf/_documents/actualites_documents/livret_temoins_bombe.pdf"><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">http://www.assemblee.pf/_documents/actualites_documents/livret_temoins_bombe.pdf</span></a></span></span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-76566077577186159232016-06-23T22:32:00.001+09:002016-09-04T22:30:04.058+09:00Nuclear Primacy: What does the hawk say?<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is revealing to note that during
the present 2016 US presidential campaign, none of the candidates have been
asked much about what they believe the nation’s nuclear doctrine should be. It’s
the trillion-dollar question that has been kept out of popular discourse. The
candidates have not been asked such questions as whether “nuclear sharing”
among NATO allies violates the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), or whether
America is obliged under the treaty to treat the abolition of the nuclear
arsenal as an urgent matter. Do they agree with the previous administration’s
decision to abrogate the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and pursue a doctrine of
nuclear primacy toward Russia and China? [1] The average reader of this blog is
probably more familiar with these issues, but the candidates would likely be at
a loss as to how to answer these questions. Either they couldn’t answer or they
wouldn’t want to.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Public anxiety about nuclear war has
faded since the 1990s. Back then there were some reasons to relax. The arsenals
of the superpowers decreased from 60,000 to 14,000 warheads, and the Intermediate-Range
Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty led to the elimination of short-range missiles and
tactical nuclear weapons in Europe and Western Russia. During the late Gorbachev
and early Yeltsin years, there was enough trust in the bilateral relationship
for Americans and Russians to feel like they would get along as normally as any
other pair of countries. Russia was too weak and troubled to be considered much
of a threat.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">All of this started to change in the
late 1990s when Russia and the US took up different sides in the Serbia-Kosovo
conflict, NATO expanded eastward, and America meddled in the internal affairs
of what is referred to as “the former Soviet space.” In this century, since
Vladimir Putin came to power, Russia has been steadily demonized and restored
to its status as most favored threat to American hegemony. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">During the Bush presidency, while
everyone was distracted by the war on terror and the campaigns in Afghanistan
and Iraq, the Pentagon established a new nuclear doctrine, which was actually
the old dream from the 1940s of establishing nuclear primacy: the possession of
superior capabilities that could, in a first strike, neutralize all of an
opponent’s nuclear weapons—the winnable nuclear war. America had walked out of the ABM treaty a few years earlier and so it was also working on "missile defense" systems which, logically, have offensive purposes, as anti-missile missiles allow the possessor to neutralize a an enemy's retaliation to its own first strike.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">An article in the March 2006 issue of Foreign Affairs this announced this new status of nuclear primacy and caused an uproar in both Washington and Moscow [2].<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the ten years that have passed Russia has scrambled to upgrade its capabilities and restore nuclear parity. Not coincidentally, relations between the two countries have worsened while the significance of this historic change has been largely forgotten.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Now that NATO and the US Pacific
alliance (with Japan, South Korea and the Philippines and others) are carrying
out provocations against Russia and China, the issue is finally appearing in
some circles of elite opinion in the American media, but it is still not a popular
campaign issue.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If any of the presidential candidates
were asked whether they were hawks, doves or owls on the question of nuclear
primacy, they wouldn’t know for sure what was being asked. Hillary Clinton and
Donald Trump would probably reflexively claim to be hawks, while Bernie Sanders
would probably defer and say, “I’ll get back to you on that one.” He has
devoted so little attention to foreign policy during his campaign that he has
actually gone on record as saying Qatar has to do more to fight ISIS—oblivious
to the well-known fact that Qatar is one of the Middle Eastern American allies that
has abided and assisted ISIS as a tool for de-stabilizing Syria and
ousting its head of state. Based on his view of the problem, we have to wonder
if Bernie Sanders has any ideas for what to do about Turkey, NATO partner and
sharer of American nuclear weapons. Turkey has facilitated ISIS in selling oil
from the wells it controlled before the Russian intervention, and it is
determined to undermine the Kurdish forces that have been one of the most
effective anti-ISIS fighters. This issue has been widely reported, but the
radical anti-war candidate in the presidential race seems to have no awareness
of it, or interest in talking about it.[3]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The question about hawk, dove or owl
relates the question above: Do you agree with the previous administration’s
decision to abrogate the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and pursue a doctrine of
nuclear primacy toward Russia and China?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hawks believe that American hegemony
is benevolent, and even if that belief isn’t sincere, they say that nuclear primacy
is a worthwhile pursuit. If America has the means to become the dominant force
in the world, it should seize the opportunity because, in the world view of
hawks, one is either the hunter or the hunted.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Doves believe the world will never see
a hegemon as benevolent, regardless of the high esteem the hegemon has for
itself. The world is better off being multi-polar. Nations should achieve peace
through diplomacy, parity of forces, international law, and mutual regard for
each other’s interests. The very act of threatening nuclear attack, which is
implicit in the possession of nuclear weapons, is morally reprehensible.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Owls believe the doctrine of nuclear
primacy madly risks nuclear Armageddon, by accident or design, no matter how
good the odds might be that America could wipe out all of an adversary’s
nuclear arsenal before being hit with even one retaliatory strike. The owls
might say the doves are naïve, but they say the hawkish approach is reckless
and unwise.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Even if America did not initiate nuclear
war, it would still share responsibility for the outbreak of nuclear war—it
must have done something to provoke a first strike—something like, let’s say,
maintaining a doctrine of nuclear primacy? But what if America did strike
first? Even if the possessor of nuclear primacy could prevail and wipe out all
of its adversary’s nuclear capability without being hit by even one nuclear
bomb (doubtful), the after-effects would be an ecological and a humanitarian
catastrophe of unprecedented and unpredictable consequences, with blowback and
fallout on the perpetrator that would make this the most Pyrrhic victory in
history. It would be unlikely that such a nation could survive the wrath of the
global community and the chaos that would follow a first strike that would have
to consist of hundreds of nuclear detonations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Obviously, nuclear primacy serves
primarily as a deterrent and an instrument for establishing global hegemony. The
possessor of nuclear primacy knows the hardware can never be used, but there is
great value in making others wonder if it <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">might</i>
be used, which is why no one promises the meaningless promise of no-first-use.
The threats, the wielding of the club—these are the non-explosive uses of
nuclear weapons that are coveted in the pursuit of nuclear primacy. And of
course, there is money to be made in all of this. The trillion-dollar nuclear
modernization program is going to stuff corporate profits and keep suburban
real estate prices high in places like Santa Fe and Albuquerque.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Meanwhile, the second-tier adversaries
China and Russia know that the possessor of nuclear primacy wouldn’t dare
exercise its advantage, so they can push back with asymmetrical tactics—propaganda,
diplomacy, alliance formation, economic ties, support for the superpower’s
adversaries in regional wars, support for adversaries’ dissidents, and so on.
The nations of the world have more urgent things to do than to get caught up in
this game, but this is the distraction that nuclear weapons bring on.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Violating the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty (NPT), in word and/or in spirit</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Of all the treaties concerning nuclear
weapons, none is more important than the NPT. [4] It is also fatally flawed because
it has allowed the nuclear powers to get away with saying that whatever is not
forbidden is allowed. The wording of the treaty does not clearly require and
set a timeline for disarmament, and it doesn’t specifically forbid the “sharing”
of nuclear weapons and the provision of nuclear “umbrellas” to allies. Finally,
it gives all signatories the right to develop nuclear energy, under the
mistaken belief that the proliferation of nuclear waste can be controlled in a
way that doesn’t lead to fissionable waste products being used to make weapons.
Even if this level of control could be achieved, much of the global population
now considers the existence of nuclear waste to be an unacceptable ecological hazard
and burden on future generations. The Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and
Fukushima meltdowns all happened after the treaty was drafted in the late 1960s.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One can only conclude from the failure
of the treaty to lead to disarmament that the flaws in it are the very reason
that it exists at all. If it didn’t provide loopholes to the nuclear powers,
they never would have signed it. The Comprehen<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">sive Test Ban <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Treaty also has an escape clause that allows the US to resume testing if <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">confidence is ever lost in the viability of the nuclear arsenal. [5]</span></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nuclear Sharing</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The United States shares nuclear
weapons with several countries in NATO—The Netherlands, Belgium, Germany,
Italy, and Turkey. [<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">6</span>] The UK and France have their own nukes. The weapons
remain under American control while on NATO bases, but soldiers of the host
countries are trained in how to take over bombing missions in the event of war.
The NPT prohibits the transfer of nuclear weapons, but since the weapons remain
under American possession and control, the US claims this is not a treaty
violation. The weapons would be transferred only after war has been declared,
in which case the treaty would no longer be in force. This of course is absurd hair-splitting
and a violation of the spirit of the treaty.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Likewise, the offer of a nuclear
umbrella to allies does nothing to stop proliferation. These allies should be
saying no thanks to such protection because it also turns the ally into a target.
It would be much better to declare neutrality and rebuke the nuclear powers, if
they are indeed sincere about eliminating nuclear weapons from the world.
Nonetheless, the US claims that the sharing of nuclear weapons or a nuclear
umbrella stops allies from wanting their own arsenals, so these agreements are supposedly
in the spirit of the NPT. Yet these countries are already signatories of the
NPT. If we are to assume that they would abrogate the treaty (only three months’
notice required) at any time in order to become nuclear powers, we have to ask
if treaties are worth the paper they are written on—worth all the effort that
goes into making them, and worthy of faith placed in them. If they truly are so
fragile, treaties are just bare threads with which the human race sometimes
manages to restrain is basest impulses.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The numerous civil society groups
campaigning for nuclear disarmament may be just as ineffective. The
modernization program, the nuclear primacy doctrine and the escalating tensions
with Russia and China have all occurred while there has been an apparent
renaissance of the anti-nuclear campaigns that went dormant in the 1990s. While
their positive effects are hard to prove, they may be creating an illusion that
change is on the way when things are actually getting worse.</span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFwNvrbTwjNQCPOOX70B8xGhoukXD_X9HMA_rzZBRk4ye63_fg1tQkO-NCgiBltSPIOIdS_I5Vd-EpLcqsKLvO8ARadsZuXo2rkZlgrxQQ2dmCplFcI-3aE-1p8W8EmyLIp2IR2UoJRKY/s1600/putin-st-petersburg-2016-06.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="360" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFwNvrbTwjNQCPOOX70B8xGhoukXD_X9HMA_rzZBRk4ye63_fg1tQkO-NCgiBltSPIOIdS_I5Vd-EpLcqsKLvO8ARadsZuXo2rkZlgrxQQ2dmCplFcI-3aE-1p8W8EmyLIp2IR2UoJRKY/s640/putin-st-petersburg-2016-06.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>VladimirPutin at a meeting with heads of the world’s
leading news agencies on the sidelines of the 20th St. Petersburg
International Economic Forum (SPIEF 2016) June 17, 2016. Mikhail Metzel/TASS</i>ption</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The new deployment of anti-missile
installations in Poland and Romania, along with NATO exercises to deter Russian
aggression, have exasperated Russian president Vladimir Putin. He has recently
taken to talking directly to Western journalists in various forums to counter
the propaganda campaign against him and Russia, and to argue that Russia poses
no threat to anyone. A recent example:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The “Iranian threat” does not exist,
but the NATO Missile Defense System is being positioned in Europe. That means
we were right when we said that their reasons are not genuine. They were not
being open with us—always referring to the “Iranian threat” in order to justify
this system. Once again they lied to us. Now the system is functioning and
being loaded with missiles. As you journalists should know, these missiles are
put into capsules which are used in the Tomahawk long range missile system. So
these are being loaded with missiles that can penetrate territories within a
500-km range. But we know that technologies advance, and we even know in which
year the US will accomplish the next missile. This missile will be able to
penetrate distances up to 1,000 km and even farther. And from that moment on,
they will start to directly threaten Russia’s nuclear potential. We know year
by year what’s going to happen, and they know that we know. It’s only you
[journalists] that they tell tall tales to, and you buy them and spread them to
the citizens of your countries. You people in turn do not feel a sense of the
impending danger. This is what worries me. How do you not understand that the
world is being pulled in an irreversible direction while they pretend that nothing
is going on? I don’t know how to get through to you anymore.” [<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">7</span>]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To note how extraordinary this conversation
with the foreign media is, one only has to imagine President Obama doing the
same thing: stating his case to a room full of journalists, business leaders
and intellectuals from Russia, China and Latin America, for whom he has
provided translators (imagine a US president patiently waiting for all the
dialog to be translated). It never happens. Americans these days prefer to give speeches to each<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> other on the decks of aircraft carriers. President Obama</span> can’t <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">speak and wouldn't speak to skeptical foreign audiences</span> because the “Russian aggression” ruse is a baseless assertion. America’s
actions this century—drone warfare, invading nations and toppling leaders
without UN authority, inciting revolt in foreign countries, refusing to live up
to treaty obligations and follow UN resolutions—these actions are all indefensible
under international law, not to mention common sense understandings of fairness
and morality in international relations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It seems that whatever happens in the
street and in civil society no longer has any effect on the decisions made by the
advocates of war. They have learned to tune out whatever happens outside the
gates. In early 2003, millions of people poured into the streets of the world’s
capital cities to object to the coming illegal invasion of Iraq. In London, the
prime minister’s residence was surrounded by 1,000,000 people angrily roaring for
no war. Tony Blair was inside for hours listening to the throng, but it didn’t
stop him from going along with American plans. [<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">8</span>]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There may be only two ways to get off
the road to ruin. One would be a radical change in the policies of the executive,
legislative and judicial branches of the American government. To renounce
nuclear primacy and begin meaningful steps toward nuclear disarmament, the
American people would have to elect a majority of unbought representatives who
are ready to make these goals a top priority, and the judiciary could take up
the cause as a civil rights issue (the right under the constitution to live
free of the threat of nuclear annihilation). There is no reason to believe that
advocacy groups and street demonstrations have had any effect on those in power
or on the list of issues that voters care about. Furthermore, even if nuclear
abolition became the will of the majority, some rather undemocratic methods
would probably be employed to neutralize it. Recent “irregularities” in US
primary voting suggest that the progressive insurgency has threatened the
established two-party system and led it to carry out widespread electoral fraud.
[<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">9</span>]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">With the American voter apathetic or disenfranchised
by this dysfunctional voting infrastructure, there is only the second option. Outside
pressure is the only way left to influence American foreign policy. Russia’s
and China’s diplomatic and public relations efforts can influence global opinion,
and if European leaders and other allies can start to push back and think for
themselves, they may be able to derail the wildest ambitions of the American
agenda. In June 2016, as NATO was preparing to carry out operations against imagined
Russian aggression in the Baltic states, German defense minister, Frank-Walter
Steinmeier, voiced a dissenting view:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What we should not do now is inflame
the situation with saber-rattling and warmongering. Whoever believes that a
symbolic tank parade on the alliance’s eastern border will bring security is
mistaken. We are well-advised not to create pretexts to renew an old
confrontation. [<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">10</span>]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The same week, one NATO general, Petr
Pavel, also pointed at the naked emperor and broke with consensus opinion:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is not the aim of NATO to create a
military barrier against broad-scale Russian aggression because such aggression
is not on the agenda and no intelligence assessment suggests such a thing. [1<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1</span>]
[1<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2</span>]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">These men are a small minority, and
don’t expect them to be quoted much in British, Canadian or American media.
Nonetheless, their comments could be a sign that a few cooler heads are daring
to speak out.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Even without access to intelligence,
General Pavel could see the flawed logic apparent to any observer. If it is
mutually understood that America and NATO have vastly superior conventional and
nuclear advantages, why would Russia invade a NATO member? Knowing the
suffering of the Russian people in WWII, and knowing the problems that
contemporary Russia must contend with in its own territory, why would anyone
believe that it is about to launch a war of aggression? There is no plausible
motive. Yet there are some obvious motives for the other side to exaggerate the
threat. As in any murder investigation, one just needs to ask <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">cui bono</i>? NATO countries have to conjure
the Russian threat in order to justify the existence of NATO. They are
increasing the percentage of GDP they spend on military at the very time they
are enforcing austerity on their own citizens in social spending. The most
plausible ultimate cause of all this belligerence is arms manufacturers seeking
an endless expansion of markets and profits. They will not stop, as Isaac
Newton might say if he were alive, until they are met with an equal and opposite
force.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notes</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1]
John Steinbach, “</span><a href="http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/05/13/the-bush-administration-u-s-nuclear-war-fighting-policy-the-war-on-iraq/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Bush Administration, U.S. Nuclear
War-Fighting Policy & the War On Iraq</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,</span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Counterpunch</i>,
May 2016.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2]
Keir A. Lieber and Daryl G. Press, “</span><a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2006-03-01/rise-us-nuclear-primacy"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Rise of Nuclear Primacy</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Foreign
Affairs</i>, March 2006.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[3]
Stehen Lendman, “</span><a href="http://www.globalresearch.ca/more-evidence-of-turkeys-support-of-the-islamic-state-isis-in-liaison-with-us-and-nato/5500916"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">More
Evidence of Turkey’s Support of the Islamic State (ISIS), in Liaison with US
and NATO</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Global Research</i>, January 12,
2016.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[4]
Arms Control Association, “</span><a href="https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/nptfact"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty at a Glance</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[5] Joseph Masco, <i>The Nuclear Borderlands: The Manhattan Project in Post-Cold War New Mexico</i> (Princeton University Press, 2006), p. 342.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">6</span>]
Xanthe Hall, “</span><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/xanthe-hall/time-for-nuclear-sharing-to-end"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Time for Nuclear Sharing to End</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Open
Democracy</i>, October 8, 2015. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">7</span>]
“</span><a href="http://www.fort-russ.com/2016/06/putin-warns-of-nuclear-war-video.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Putin Warns of Nuclear War</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Fort
Russ</i>, June 22, 2016. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">8</span>]
“</span><a href="http://www.democracynow.org/2010/10/11/exclusive_british_novelist_john_le_carr"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">British
Novelist John le Carré on the Iraq War, Corporate Power, the Exploitation of
Africa and His New Novel, ‘Our Kind of Traitor’</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Democracy
Now</span></i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> October 11, 2010.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">9</span>]
Kim LaCapria, “</span><a href="http://www.snopes.com/stanford-study-proves-election-fraud-through-exit-poll-discrepancies/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Poll Position</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Snopes.com</i>,
June 15, 2016,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<a href="http://www.snopes.com/stanford-study-proves-election-fraud-through-exit-poll-discrepancies/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">http://www.snopes.com/stanford-study-proves-election-fraud-through-exit-poll-discrepancies/</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">10</span>] Lizzie Dearden, “</span><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/german-foreign-minister-accuses-nato-of-warmongering-russia-military-exercises-tensions-anaconda-16-a7088936.html"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">German
foreign minister accuses NATO of ‘warmongering’ with military exercises that
could worsen tensions with Russia</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Independent</i>, June 18, 2016.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[1<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">1</span>] “</span><a href="http://sputniknews.com/russia/20160621/1041706416/nato-no-russian-baltic-threat.html#ixzz4CNzAETl3"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">NATO
Commander Admits There’s No Threat of Russia Invading the Baltics</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,” Sputnik News, June 21, 2016. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2</span>]
Jerry Brown, “</span><a href="http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2016/07/14/a-stark-nuclear-warning/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A Stark Nuclear Warning: Review of ‘My
Journey at the Nuclear Brink’ by William Perry</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
New York Review</i>, July 14, 2016 Issue.<span class="MsoHyperlink"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">If readers
would like to protest that I have cited too many suspect Russian sources, this
review of a book by a 60-year veteran of the American defense establishment
provides similar support. William Perry has described how he, as secretary of
defense, opposed the eastward expansion of NATO during the second term of the
Clinton presidency, but was overruled. </span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-88569387673840153102016-06-16T20:14:00.002+09:002016-06-16T20:36:15.841+09:00The History of le nucléaire en France: an interview with the creator of A Radiant Future<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
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<![endif]--><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">An
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2015/01/a-radiant-future-stage-play-about.html"><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A Radiant Future</span></b></a></i><b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, a stage play about France's nuclear history
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<td style="border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 467.5pt;" valign="top" width="623"><div class="MsoNoSpacing">
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">This
interview, originally published in French in <a href="http://www.lechappee.org/avenir-radieux"><i>Avenir Radieux: Une Fission Française</i></a> is published here as a “fair use”
excerpt for research and public education, and as a sample for publishers who
may be interested in obtaining rights for the English translation of the book
discussed in the interview. This material is not for commercial use without
permission of the publisher. For citation and publishing inquiries:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Nicolas Lambert, </b><a href="http://www.lechappee.org/avenir-radieux"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i>Avenir Radieux: Une Fission Française</i></b></a><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> (Éditions L’Échappée, Paris, 2012)</b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><br /></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: FR;"></span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: FR;"></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: FR;"></span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">About the book and stage play:</span></b>
</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Nicolas
Lambert prepared this play about nuclear for seven years, pouring over heaps of
articles and books, visiting nuclear power plants, attending public debates on
the EPR reactor proposed for Penly, meeting union leaders, intermediaries,
militants, corporate spokespersons for Areva and EDF—and then March 11, 2011:
Fukushima.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Then
this enormous task that he was conducting alone, in the shadows of a polite
indifference, took on a sudden significance. The silence of the media,
parliamentary apathy, the disdain for antinuclear activists (seen at best as
lovable old cranks), the reassuring refrain that there was no risk of a major
accident: all of these perceptions suddenly disintegrated. Barely finished, his
play now had an audience that was ready to listen.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Tour
de force: In two hours and in 23 characters, all performed by Nicolas Lambert,
we are taught how France became the most nuclearized country in the world,
beginning in 1945, when de Gaulle created the CEA (<i>Commissariat à l’énergie
atomique</i>) in order to make an atomic bomb, until our times when those who
wish to get out of nuclear remain inaudible. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Through
the choking laughter emanating from irradiated neurons, Lambert makes us see it
all: the fable of energy independence, the farce of public debates, the
discreet but essential role of great servants of the state like the stunning
Pierre Guillaumat, one of the key characters of this saga, the Eurodif Affair,
the terror attacks in Paris in 1986, the edicts of Messmer and Pompidou, the
procrastination of Mendès-France and Mitterand.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
script of the play is supplemented with a long interview with the author,
background information, illustrations and a chronology. In short, everything
that the nucleocrats don’t want to think about.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<br /></div>
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<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Interview</span></b><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">conducted by Jean-Baptiste Bernard</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">How did you become interested in
nuclear issues? Is this a struggle you were involved in before you began to
work on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Radiant Future: A French
Fission</i>?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I was a
young adult at the time of the Chernobyl catastrophe, in April 1986, and that
obviously played a part in my awareness—as was my discovery of the region on
Cotentin, in Basse-Normandie, an extraordinary peninsula which is home to the
reactors in Flamanville and the factory called a “reprocessing center” in La
Hague. I was deeply affected by seeing the combination of this fascinating
natural setting and an omnipresent but almost invisible nuclear industry.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But in a
certain sense, this preoccupation with nuclear hibernated for a while until I
began work on what would become my project called “blue-white-red,” a
theatrical triptych on the specialties of our “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">terroir</i>”: oil, nuclear and arms. At the start, I wanted to work on
the financing of the parties of the Fifth Republic, and particularly on the
party which became a permanent majority—the Gaullist Party—the one that created
a “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">république gaullienne</i>” that it
could uphold and manage <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ad vitam aeternam</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the
beginning, I wanted to understand how the Gaullist Party and the Gaullist <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">République</i> functioned, how the latter
assured the financing of the former. Little by little, working on this
question, I realized that three subjects were always there: oil, nuclear and
arms. Thus the idea became apparent: each of these subjects should be treated
separately in different plays. Naively, without understanding how much work was
involved, I thought I would finish this vast project in three years. I just
told myself “I’ll work on Elf for six months, then I’ll perform it for six
more; I’ll work on nuclear for six months, then perform it for six months;
etc.” At the same time, I had to earn a living by other means, which meant
taking minor roles in cinema. During most of the time I was working on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf, the Pump of Africa</i>, that’s how I
functioned. Small jobs helped me hold it all together, and then I realized I
was earning a modest living by the play itself.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">You began working on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf, the Pump of Africa</i>, in 2003, at the
height of Chirac’s time of triumph…</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In my
mind, I saw the play as an anti-Chirac war machine, anti-RPR. I felt an
urgency, a responsibility—to make a blockade. But the motivation came from
farther back at the beginning of the millennium, in the formulation of an
alternative to globalization. It also came from the awareness of the many ways
labor laws were under attack. I could see that behind these moves a new reality
was being planned. I said to my friends in the struggle, “They’re coming after
our job security. We have to take up arms and engage our adversary.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I believe
that these affronts say a lot about the state of our society, especially since
as a reaction, workers launched a lot of great initiatives. There was a real
shake-up, with a lot of interesting projects happening. I remember especially
one guy who dramatized a recalculation of all subsidies and expenses: he showed
what they really were with graphics and charts. I thought, “Great. We are going
to do everything.” It was clear we were on the attack.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">With the majority party as a target…</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In 2003, I
had started to follow all the trials that the RPR [<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Rassemblement Pour la République</i>, a neo-Gaullist party formed in
1976] was involved in. Whether it was the Elf trial, the trial about
non-existent jobs (where Juppe was, in the absence of Chirac, at least
condemned for having deceived the sovereign French people while entrusted with
carrying out a “democratic public mandate.”). But little by little, as I
studied these trials, I understood the subject was much more complex than I had
realized. It became apparent how everything was connected: one had to be
interested in arms to understand how the press functioned, in civilian nuclear
to understand military nuclear, and French Africa [<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Françeafrique</i>] to know how the majority party was financed, and so
on. So I widened my field of inquiry, always wanting to be really aggressive in
my desire to confront the way this <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">République</i>
functions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There is something<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a little quixotic in your work, like you’re a
solitary man tilting at windmills… Is this why you work solo?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Not at
all! I work solo because it costs a lot less, because I’m not subsidized.
Working solo annoys me a little. Elsewhere, in radio and in theater, I worked
for a long time collectively. I always worked with my close friends: Sylvie
Gravagna, Michel Cochet, everyone in the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cabarets
de Charlie Noé</i>. [1].</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But a word
about this “being alone on the stage.” It wasn’t really a choice as much as a
necessity. I had no way to do it otherwise. Putting on a piece of theater
requires money. You have to pay the actors, the technicians. It’s an actual
business enterprise. When I created <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf,
the Pump of Africa</i>, I didn’t have a cent. And this type of subject doesn’t
captivate the people who subsidize the arts.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
simplest solution was to do everything myself. I told myself, “Let’s see if I
can get by with a shoestring budget and manage everything myself.” That meant
tackling the subject, research, direction, promotion, sales, lighting, stage
management etc.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It took a
while. During the first twenty or thirty showings of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf, the Pump of Africa</i>, I did absolutely everything. I felt I was
going crazy. I played all the characters, but I also organized the touring, the
sales, and the technical aspects of the show. For the lighting, for example, I
had installed a small system behind the curtains upstage, and I controlled them
each time I exited for a few seconds. It was unmanageable. I decided I really
needed someone to handle the technical and administrative stuff. Someone else
just had to do it. Then I was fortunate to meet Erwan Temple, who became my
collaborator. This allowed me to concentrate on playing the roles and improve
my performance.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the
stage, it really gelled. I was able to really bring to life, on my own, all
these diverse characters. And for the first time in my life I had a show that
didn’t cost anything to put on. My companion, Hélène Billard,[2] took charge of
the music playing cello, and that was it. It took off. I performed the show
once, twice, ten, thirty times… eventually we reached 400 performances.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Now, with <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Radiant Future: A French Fission</i>, I no
longer feel “alone on the stage” because I asked a splendid musician, the
bassist Eric Chalan to work with me. He or Hélène Billard accompanies me behind
the big screen on the set. On this big screen we project the video images and
lighting produced by Erwan Temple. The characters were developed under the
precious guidance of Nathalie Brücher. For someone supposedly working alone on
the stage, it’s starting to get crowded, isn’t it?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But still, you are playing all the
characters. This makes us think of the master of the genre: Philippe Caubère.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I
discovered his work at that time. I didn’t know it before. Perhaps I shouldn’t
admit this, but I’m not very well-cultured in the theater. Going to the theater
costs a lot of money, and I don’t make much. Before I became an adult, I went
to the theater only once during a school trip. Furthermore, shows are performed
at night, and when I’m working I don’t have time to see the work of others.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But
because I was told that I’m doing something similar to the work of Philippe
Caubère, that I was using a “grammar of performance” similar to his, I finally
went to see one of his shows. It is true that he is fascinating. What a great
actor! And what a great use of space. The man is a dancer.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">You may not be a dancer, but you
manage a vast undertaking of documentation before writing your plays. How do
you proceed?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">My basic
dogma is very simple: I go find the information and I report it to the
audience. Theater consists of just taking the public by the hand and not
browbeating them. I have an ambition to speak to everyone, a desire which our
institutions lack. I always wanted to perform elsewhere, outside of theaters,
in order to not always be facing the same, often stereotypical, segment of the
public. So the idea is simple: since people don’t go to the theater, the
theater will go to them. From 2002 to 2004, I participated with Antoine Chao,
at Grenier de Lutz, de Sylvie Gravagna. It was an ensemble of spectacles and
events, but also reporting and radio plays, all based on the memory of one
imaginary family called Pantin as they immigrated to the suburbs of Paris.
Everything was staged in schools and prefab trailers. Today, I continue to
practice a form of militant theater, with the prices posted in chalk whenever
various groups sponsor one of my shows.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is
how I try to reach as much of the public as possible. And above all, I don’t
convey nonsense. For <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf, the Pump of
Africa</i>, I went to the Elf trials, which lasted four months, from March to
July 2003, three days per week. I hardly missed a single day. In the beginning,
I was thinking about making a fictional-documentary, in the form of a radio
show, as part of the project <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ephemeral
Frequencies</i> started by Antoine Chao.[3] Because recording devices are not
allowed in court, I wanted to take notes and then turn them into a script for
radio. This is when I got the idea of doing it on stage.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In your shows, do you practice a form
of documentary?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Not a
“form of.” I think it is a documentary! For <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf</i>,
as it is for <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Radiant Future</i>, all
the dialogs are verbatim, and everyone is named. That’s the principle: I think
it is essential to name the adversary, and that obliges me to be rigorous. I
identify with the famous slogan: “Don’t hate the media, become the media.” All
my work is driven by this desire to become media, to attempt to explain the
world. I also lead an inquiry, in the journalistic sense of the word, but
instead of broadcasting it on the radio or in the press, I become the means by
which an intelligible documentary comes to life. The idea is to put theater
where it doesn’t presently exist, and to integrate it with political
reflection.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">You are situated at the frontier of
theater and militancy? </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For me,
they go together, even if the audiences often differ. I don’t feel comfortable
claiming to be an artist. I see myself more as an artisan who refines content
and form. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">When I
began doing <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf, the Pump of Africa</i>,
many theater people told me that this wasn’t theater. According to them, it was
more documentary. I had to wait until the 200th performance for a member of the
establishment to allow me to perform in her theater. The possibilities of this
genre then multiplied, and the same persons who had denied that I was a man of
the theater started to speak with interest about my work.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So there is a divide between what you
do and “proper” theater?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As a
spectator, I go to theater that I feel passionate about, that I admire—that
which helps me understand the world. It has to be interested in life and not be
merely solipsistic.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But this
is not how one finds the necessary support to produce a play. In France,
theater is Culture—it even has a minister! And the institutional structures don’t
necessarily dream about supporting artists who criticize institutions. Instead,
they concern themselves with their mission of deciding what defines Culture and
Art, and propagating these throughout the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We must remember that when General de Gaulle
created the Ministry of Culture, with André Malraux as the head, the curtain
was being lowered on the Ministry of Colonies. The result: the functionaries of
the old ministry were reassigned to the new one. And they brought with them
certain quaint habits. This is why they always live with a sense of mission to
bring good news to the ignorant natives. But they don’t look into themselves,
and don’t pay respect to local cultures. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Frank
Lepage describes very well this cultural system in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Gesticulated Conferences</i>. He really deconstructs the whole thing
from the inside. He finds there is a “Qultural Machine” (insisting on the
capital Q) that drives itself. He is right. This system is headed for its ruin.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But all is
not dark, fortunately. Resistance is still alive. For example, I belong to a
reading group called <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Words Discovered</i>,
created by the actor and director Michel Cochet.<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span>It has about 100 members all connected in one
way or another to theater. We exchange texts that we are reading, discussing,
criticizing and sometimes staging. The sole purpose is to help new authors
discover what they have to say.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I want to
stress that we sometimes receive some impressive political texts. There have
been even more in the last four or five years (unfortunately, the cultural
system doesn’t necessarily give much funding to these texts). This makes me
believe that things are starting to shift.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It takes time, a bit like it does to
prepare a show…</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s
always a long process. It comes down to the work of documentation: as I get
into a subject step by step, an entire network of people, resources and
relationships becomes apparent. The general outline becomes progressively clear
until I finally begin to understand what is at stake. It takes patience. I
started working on nuclear as soon as the preparatory work on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf, the Pump of Africa</i> was done—that
is, after 2004. For seven years I systematically collected documents, articles
and books on the subject.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And you also went out to make contacts
with…</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Theater is
a physical experience, which raises an essential question: how can one put
flesh and bones on concepts and subjects that are so austere? How can they be
incarnated?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To do
this, I had to feed myself with encounters and information. In short, I had to
give it life. For example, I went to thirteen public debates[4] concerned with
the construction of an EPR reactor in Penly. I also attended numerous
antinuclear meetings—and to be frank they were sometimes really boring. I
watched every documentary I could get my hands on. I even met with public
relations officers for Areva and EDF [<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Electricité
de France</i>] to pose very naïve questions. That’s one way to understand how
things work. Finally, I interviewed people from the IRSN (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Institut de radioprotection et de sûreté nucléaire</i>) and the ASN (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">l’Autorité de sûreté nucléaire</i>) and I
visited the nuclear power plant at Penly.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And it was because of what you saw at
the public debates that you decided to focus on the fate of the subcontracted
workers?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the
first of the thirteen public debates in Dieppe something happened that the
organizers had not expected. It was the raising of a question about these
workers. They are not EDF employees, but they work for EDF all the same. They
are employees of a subcontractor, which might also be subcontracted by another
subcontractor, and so on up the chain. At this debate, a few of these guys
protested: “It’s a scandal. You say nothing about us!” They said it in a way
that was very raw and touching, but almost inaudible. They aren’t accustomed to
speaking out, and they speak in very technical terms. I didn’t understand much,
but their emotion struck me. There was something about seeing these
subcontractors show up here, expressing themselves very awkwardly in front of
these public relations professionals. This made me very interested in them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So this
subject is in the play as the reading of a letter written by Daniel Luengo. He
is a subcontracted worker in the nuclear industry, and for several years he has
been denouncing the working conditions that EDF imposes on thousands of his
colleagues. Under crushing pressure, these people do the maintenance operations
on reactors and take on the highest health risks, while EDF has no concern for
them. The letter by Daniel Luengo is very moving. How could it not be? My job
as an actor is just to let his words be heard.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">You also incarnate the subject by
showing us a gallery of portraits—that of Pierre Guillaumat, for example, was
particularly effective.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s not
always easy. The text for this character, one of the key figures in the nuclear
story, didn’t come together until the last moment. It was only after grinding
through every sense of the material in the play that I realized that I should
perhaps use the interview that I had read in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Damocles</i> [5], a defense journal. Then it struck me to what extent
he had played a pivotal role in everything that concerns oil, nuclear and arms.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So Pierre
Guillaumat is the human element that links the three subjects that I work on.
In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf, the Pump of Africa</i>, he is
mentioned only twice, even though he created Elf and managed the oil company
from 1962 to 1977 and never ceased his efforts to preserve the colonial French
empire for the sake of oil. In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Radiant
Future</i>, he appears as a key figure: he was the general administrator of the
CEA (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Commissariat à l’énergie atomique
française</i>) from 1951 to 1958, and he supervised the French atomic bomb
project. And, in my future play on arms, he is there again. He was Minister of
the Army from 1958 to 1960 in the midst of the Algerian war.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Presenting these figures isn’t enough.
You also have to bring them to life on the stage, give them a physical
presence.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Actually,
it really takes some time. In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Radiant
Future: A French Fission</i>, there are twenty-three characters, and I had to
spend a few days on each one. And on the stage, there has to be a smooth
transition from one to the other. It’s not always the case, but sometimes I
have to re-invent them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In truth,
I’m not really alone when I play these characters. I realized I have a partner:
the public. That’s because it takes several performances for me to really get a
grip on the play, even if I have mastered its technical aspects.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Once on
the stage, the trick is to let go. It’s not me leading the vessel. It escapes
me. My task is to work on technique and make myself available as a vector for
the play. That can be tricky. For example, the physical difference between two
characters that I play, Joseph Dupuis, director of the EPR at Penly, and Didier
Houi, the moderator of the public debate, wasn’t apparent to me. These are men
cut from the same cloth, from the same milieu, and they don’t have very
interesting voices. So I had to find some way to differentiate them. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">After a
while, I put my finger on it. It was a kind of discomfort. Didier Houi always
seemed to be bothered when he spoke. This was because he had his ass between
two stools: he believed in his democratic mission, but he also knew that his
role was a sham. He admitted it elsewhere off record. The decision to construct
the new reactor had already been made at the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Élysée</i> [executive branch]. But he continued with the charade
anyway.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">He belongs to that class of
professional speakers that you mentioned earlier?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Didier
Houi was rather like a dinner host. He manages the Arpe (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Agence régionale pour l’environnement</i>) in Midi-Pyrenees, so he is
not necessarily pro-nuclear. The debate commission is not stupid. By using
someone neutral they can neutralize a lot of criticism. They can say, “See!
It’s not all decided in advance.” Except there are machinations in the
background all directed by EDF. It’s EDF that finances the public debate and
sets its parameters.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I really
became aware of this at one of the thirteen debates. I was sitting in the
amphitheater, just behind one of the EDF people playing a key role in design of
the debate over Penly. He was leading the ensemble as a producer with his
fingers on the purse strings.[6] While a man was explaining to the crowd, in
plain language, what an EPR reactor was, I started to get interested in a
little binder the EDF man was holding. I could see what he had written there. I
could see that the statements made to the public had been planned with extreme
precision. It wasn’t a general outline. Everything had been planned almost down
to the last word. The script even included language errors and false starts
like, “Yes, well, um, you’re going to tell me…”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is
what I mean by professional speakers. Their text is ready, and the
interpretation has been thoroughly worked over. They’ve already repeated this
public debate. It too is like a piece of theater, except they don’t present
themselves as actors. And they have in front of them people who are tired,
coming after a day of work, using their free time to inform themselves or
struggle. The imbalance is striking.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">And do the inhabitants of the region
come out in big numbers?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In Dieppe,
there are already six reactors in the area, in Penly and Paluel. And the
commission is supposed to ask them if they want one more? But they sort of
don’t give a damn, right? At the discussions I heard people say often, “Six
reactors or seven. What’s the difference?”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In any
case, not much was done to make people turn out. To advertise the debates,
there was an announcement in the local paper, one poster among a dozen on the
notice board outside the community center. Me, I wouldn’t risk advertising for
a performance this way. I would want to be as obtrusive as possible. A debate
of this importance should at least be broadcast on a public service channel.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This
reminds me of one meeting when the subject of potassium iodide pills came up.
Afterwards, a man came up to me and said, “I’m the mayor of town X, a little
village a few miles from the reactor. You said something there about potassium
iodide pills. What are they?” This village mayor, living just over ten
kilometers from a nuclear power plant, had never heard of this way of defending
oneself against thyroid damage during a nuclear catastrophe. That’s because in
France only persons living less than ten kilometers from a reactor need to be
given potassium iodide pills. Yet the WHO (World Health Organization) says this
distance should be 500 kilometers. This enormous difference is quite revealing.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Of a collective indifference?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">For sure!
When I started in the years 2000-2010, to speak to my friends about my interest
in staging a play about nuclear, they said to me, “Why do you want to bother
with that? It’s a lost cause. And anyway, nothing has happened.” They
reproached me for being out of step with the times.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
Fukushima catastrophe happened the very month when I was doing a first run of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Radiant Future</i>. All of a sudden I was
doubly out of step with the times because I was speaking about nuclear without
mentioning Fukushima. It wasn’t the topic of my play anyhow, but I finally
added a bit by using the statement Sarkozy made after the catastrophe. He
explained that those who predicted the demise of nuclear were asking for
nothing but a return to the Middle Ages. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
catastrophe certainly provoked a certain interest in the atomic energy
question. Five months after Fukushima, the sociologist Francis Chateauraynaud
published a study showing that between March and July 2011 more words had been
printed on nuclear energy than in the entire preceding decade.[7] But to be
frank, I believe that this opening has already closed again. Now, at the
beginning of 2012, the catastrophe is already off the radar. Until the next
one?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">There will at least be your work that
broaches the subject. Was it hard to immerse yourself in the arcane knowledge
of things atomic?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I had a
lot of trouble understanding how nuclear energy works. I realized I knew
absolutely nothing about science, and high school courses were a distant
memory. So it took me a long time to relearn things until I got the general
principle. And this is what I concluded: Nuclear energy is amazing! To succeed
in using the energy that constitutes the atom in order to permit people to boil
water. It’s pure genius! If, of course, we don’t consider the dangers. Bernard
Laponche, who worked in reactor physics at the CEA before becoming a figure in
the anti-nuclear struggle, often said that nuclear was the most dangerous
method of boiling water. Once you realize that, you have to ask yourself, “Is
it really necessary to boil that much water? Do we have to spend so much on
stupid electric radiators?”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What do you think?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">To know
whether nuclear is useful to the economy, you can consider this fact: Japan
operated 54 nuclear reactors until March 2011 [6] but they have all been shut
down since that time.[8] The Japanese economy still carries on well enough. As
for Germany, which lowered its electricity consumption by 30% over ten years,
it doesn’t give the impression of being a low-performing European country. If
that’s a return the Middle Ages, there are worse fates. And I haven’t even
mentioned the twelve members of the European Union who don’t use nuclear at all.
Related to this, it’s worth remembering that in spite of a large number of
reactors (150) nuclear supplies only 15% of European electricity needs. If we
can do without it, why don’t we try? The French Court of Audit (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">La cour des comptes</i>) which is hardly made
up of anti-growth zealots, came to the same conclusions. In January 2012,[9] it
published a report showing it would be as expensive to shut down nuclear energy
as to continue it. It even states that the choice between the two is a
political choice. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I think we
should immediately stop the French nuclear complex, and by doing so we would
avoid great troubles. When you look at a map of Chernobyl fallout and compare
it with the size of France, you realize the dimensions are about the same. If
you could guarantee me that an accident won’t happen, I’d take the risk, but
everything changes when the statistics show that a major catastrophe happens
once a decade. Bernard Laponche and Benjamin Dessus, president of Global
Change, explained it in June 2011 in an article published in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lib</i></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">é</span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ration</span></i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, concluding, “Rather than continuing
to calculate surrealistic probabilities of events occurring, events which we
can’t even imagine—as was the case with Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and
Fukushima—isn’t it time to take account of the reality and draw lessons from
it. The reality is that the risk of a major accident in Europe is not so low.
It is actually a statistical certainty.” Couldn’t we from now on avoid this
major problem by ceasing to use that which produces consequences beyond our
control?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">We always
prefer to believe that the worst will not happen. And we prefer to hypnotize
ourselves by what we say among each other because we don’t want to tell
ourselves, for example, that the nuclear power plant at Nogent is 80 kilometers
from Paris and we couldn’t evacuate the region in the event of a serious
problem. Everyone tries to accommodate himself to this reality. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Were you trying to prove something
with <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Radiant Future</i>?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Frankly, I
was thinking of doing more on the relations between politics and the industry,
but in the end I didn’t do it. I didn’t talk at all about how the political
parties are financed, as I did in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Elf,
the Pump of Africa</i>. I didn’t touch on Bouygues, either, the company that
builds nuclear power plants and manipulates public opinion with TF1 [a national
television network]. After all, I regret that I covered only a few topics in
the play. But how else could I do it?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At one
point, I set a limit of a certain number of words: there are 13,000 and that
corresponds to two hours on the stage. That indicates that there is enough for
three main themes to be covered in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A
Radiant Future</i>, such as the link between the terrorist attacks of February
and March 1986 in Paris and Iran’s nuclear project, which involved Eurodif [the
French uranium enrichment plant]. It’s something that’s not very well known. At
the end of the play, I enumerate the attacks committed as a litany that sounds
a bit like a chant. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I use this
device twice during the play. The first time is when I list all the French
reactors, which are supposedly the product of our energy independence and
technological inventiveness. Yet in fact they were all built under license from
Westinghouse—a reality that is almost never mentioned, so I settle for listing
the reactors one by one. The second litany comes back to the link between
France and Iran during this time of the attacks, attributed at the time to
“dangerous islamists.” This list of the dead and wounded is, by the end, very
hard to listen to. At the conclusion of it, the voice of Pierre Guillaumat
returns saying, “There is no relation between civilian and military
applications of nuclear technology.” It’s another way of saying “to be
continued” at the end.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the start of the play, you put the
emphasis on military applications with Guillaumat, with the bomb… You stress
how much the civilian and military pursuits are linked, how the former follows
from the latter.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This is
another thing that is hardly discussed. I noticed this particularly when I
followed the members of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mouvement de
la Paix</i> [7] who met at the UN in New York. There was even a delegation of
elected officials, some of them from the PCF (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">parti communiste français</i>).[10] I asked some of them what they were
doing there, and they told me they were opposed to military applications of
nuclear. But when I asked them about the nuclear power plants in their
districts and told them about the links between civilian and military, they
withdrew very abruptly, saying, “OK. That’s enough. I see what you’re trying to
do.” I was even insulted by a few of them. This is because the discourse of the
PCF, before Fukushima, was very simple on the subject. It was “nuclear is
wonderful,” perhaps because EDF contributes so generously to the unions
affiliated with the PCF. It is a subject that they are forbidden to discuss.
The link between civilian and military is taboo. If you go through Areva’s
financial reports carefully and look for the numbers related to their military
activity, you’ll wear out your eyes with this wasted effort. But there must be
a place where they built the bomb, right? </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I believe
we cannot comprehend our <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">République</i>
if we do not apprehend its relationship with Africa, oil, nuclear and arms. We
also cannot comprehend it if we don’t grasp why it is so rare in this country
to speak ill of Bolloré, Bouygues, Lagardère, Dassault or Areva, simply because
they provide jobs and industrial activity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Theater
can do this: help us understand the world we inhabit. Better still, it must.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Interview
conducted by Jean-Baptiste Bernard</span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Notes</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] From
1998-2003, the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Charlie Noé Company</i>,
founded in 1992 by Sylvie Gravagna and Nicolas Lambert, produced 15 shows as
cabarets combining contemporary authors, songs and dance. This project was
revived in 2010 under the name <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Nouvelle
Revue Vivante</i>, appearing regularly at La Java, in Paris.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2] Both
play instruments fabricated by Yves Ducloux, a luthier cabinetmaker who lives
on the slopes of Mt. Ventoux.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[3] <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ephemeral Frequencies</i> is a pirate radio
station having as its goal to “convey its message to those that the media do
not see.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[4] The
procedure for public debates was created by the law of February 2, 1995. It
instituted an authority responsible for conducting debates, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">la Commission nationale du débat public</i>.
The law charged this commission with the duty to involve the public in “the
elaboration of projects concerning management or equipment having an impact on
the environment or on land management.” To carry out this mission, a commission
for public debate is assembled for each project in question. It must hold a
certain number of meetings open to all before producing a report which is
purely advisory.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[5] In the
dossier “CEA, a Half Century of Nuclear Power,” in the journal <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Damoclès</i>, Autumn 1995.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[6] A
million euros in salaries and relocations etc…</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[7] See
the chronicle “The Meaning of the Irreversible: Chronicles of Civilian Nuclear
Technology after Fukushima.” </span><a href="http://socioargu.hypotheses.org/2447"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">http://socioargu.hypotheses.org/2447</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[8] The
last Japanese nuclear reactor was turned off in May 2012. But Japan has not
given up the prospect of restarting reactors in the future.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[9] “The
Costs of the Electronuclear Infrastructure.” Thematic public report, January
2012.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[10] Still
active today, the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mouvement Pour La Paix</i>
[sic] is an organization founded by Frédéric Jolie-Curie in the 1950s.
Translator’s note: the group is also known as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mouvement <u>de</u> la Paix (Peace)</i>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-92180230957624789572016-06-07T17:21:00.000+09:002017-04-12T14:51:54.394+09:00Politics and the English Language in Hiroshima and Annapolis: The Obama Doctrine as Revealed in Two Speeches on May 27th, 2016<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
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<i style="font-size: 14.6667px;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></i>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="font-size: 14.6667px;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">I</span></i><i style="font-size: 14.6667px;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">n our time, political speech and writing are largely the defense of the indefensible. Things like the continuance of British rule in India, the Russian purges and deportations, the dropping of the atom bombs on Japan, can indeed be defended, but only by arguments which are too brutal for most people to face, and which do not square with the professed aims of political parties. Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness.</span></i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">- George Orwell,</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/orwell46.htm">Politics and the
English Language</a></span></i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">,
1946</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On May 27, 2016, US president Barack
Obama spoke in Hiroshima and declared, “…today the children of this city will
go through their day in peace.” This statement could be taken as a
reminder of a precious achievement, but it also implied that in spite of the
horror of the attack, it had been necessary. It seems as if the president
wanted to remind the world, in a lightly threatening manner, that America
brought peace to the conquered. However, this point and others made in the
speech were so vague that it could be used as a Rorschach test. It said nothing.
It was a canvas onto which listeners could paint whatever impression they
wished. If you think it was an apology, or not, and that makes you happy or
sad, then good for you.</span></span></div>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnOsr5ZJg1EEHMpqv317y0sXSlnYXnYT7XDDL3bjVeYhLaiTo0XxmdRjLaPWN2Gs_xkC7sUW0Z1jvWlDiZIpXyd6ebZQ933LecPRBNwM89e_wpX_YebGLftoguPPnIs_sHgag_LZe2JC8/s1600/orwell-politics-and-english-languge.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><img border="0" height="166" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnOsr5ZJg1EEHMpqv317y0sXSlnYXnYT7XDDL3bjVeYhLaiTo0XxmdRjLaPWN2Gs_xkC7sUW0Z1jvWlDiZIpXyd6ebZQ933LecPRBNwM89e_wpX_YebGLftoguPPnIs_sHgag_LZe2JC8/s400/orwell-politics-and-english-languge.jpg" width="400" /></span></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="font-size: 12.8px;"><a href="http://disinfo.com/2015/11/7-language-tricks-politicians-use-deceive-according-george-orwell/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Barack Obama, George Orwell, Vladimir Putin</span></a></td><td class="tr-caption" style="font-size: 12.8px;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nonetheless, the careful word
choices within the speech achieve a certain purpose that is far removed from
being the apology that so much of the American public feared the president
would make.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It’s worth comparing Barack Obama’s
Hiroshima statement with a speech that was made on the same day by his defense
secretary, Ashton Carter. Carter spelled out the specifics of the Obama
Doctrine much more clearly than his boss did in Hiroshima. In that speech, the
world was indeed told we must be grateful for and accepting of the “security”
that America provides. You could almost say this is the real “Hiroshima
Statement” because it reveals why President Obama has done nothing to move the
world toward the abolition of nuclear weapons. Carter’s speech contained
plenty of talk about Chinese, Iranian, and Russian “aggression,” the
technological superiority of American military technology, the military empire
backing up free trade agreements, and the “security” the world receives from
America ensuring that the “bad guys” obey international law.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A careful analysis of these two speeches
illustrates how they reveal the radical changes that are needed to
achieve nuclear disarmament.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">President
Obama’s Hiroshima Statement</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Barack Obama’s preference for
abstract nouns, intransitive verbs, and passive voice constructions serves to
make this speech not only a non-apology but also a deflection of attention away
from the nation and the individuals who attacked Hiroshima and Nagasaki with
nuclear weapons.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The speech begins with these words:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br />
<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Seventy-one years ago, on a bright
cloudless morning, death fell from the sky and the world was changed. A flash
of light and a wall of fire destroyed a city and demonstrated that mankind
possessed the means to destroy itself.</span> <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Why do we come to this place, to Hiroshima? We come to ponder a
terrible force unleashed in a not-so-distant past. We come to mourn the dead,
including over 100,000 Japanese men, women and children, thousands of Koreans,
a dozen Americans held prisoner. Their souls speak to us. They ask us to look
inward, to take stock of who we are and what we might become. </span>[2]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A brief analysis of just a few
parts of this passage reveals much about what is achieved by syntactical choices:<br />
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">1. “Death fell from the sky.”</b><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Here Barack Obama uses an abstract
noun (<i>death</i>) to serve as the subject of an intransitive verb (<i>fall</i>).
The word choices and the syntactical choices serve to depersonalize what
occurred. An intransitive verb has no direct object, no target for its action.
The human agents causing death are left unmentioned. For a quite different
effect, one could describe the same event with a sentence that has the more
common <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">S</b>ubject-<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">V</b>erb-<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">D</b>irect <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">O</b>bject-<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">I</b>ndirect <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">O</b>bject construction:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Alternative:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">S</span></i></b><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"> [A
US Air Force crew] <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">V</b> [attacked] <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">DO</b> [the civilian population of Hiroshima] <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">IO</b> [with an atomic bomb.]</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">2. “The
world was changed.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Barack Obama uses the passive voice
here, which is another syntactical choice that serves to depersonalize events
and remove human agency from them. One could imagine a sentence in active
voice, with the same <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">S</b>ubject-<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">V</b>erb-<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">D</b>irect <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">O</b>bject-<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">I</b>ndirect <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">O</b>bject as above:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Alternative:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">S</span></i></b><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"> [American
military and political leaders] <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">V</b> [changed] <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">DO</b> [the world]<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">IO</b> [with their decision to make atomic weapons and use them to
attack cities during WWII].</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is worth noting that the active
voice SVO word order is the standard default setting of sentences in the
English language. Children acquire this simple pattern first, and textbooks for
foreign language learners begin with it. When people are speaking in a way that
strenuously avoids the default setting, listeners can begin to suspect that the
speaker is actively concealing meaning and motive. The politician’s classic
admission that “mistakes were made” is a signal of an intention to bury the
truth and deflect attention from who was actually responsible for the mistakes.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">3. “A
flash of light and a wall of fire destroyed a city and demonstrated that
mankind possessed the means to destroy itself.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Again, Barack Obama depersonalizes
the event and removes human agency from it. The agent of destruction, the
subject of the verb, was not human. It was <i>a flash of light and a wall
of fire</i>. After this, a human agent is mentioned for the first time, but it
is not specific individuals or governments. The human beings who bore
responsibility for this act are abstracted as now being all of mankind.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Alternative:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">The scientists and the generals who
made the atomic bombs, as well as the president who authorized their use, knew
that the flash of light and wall of fire would demonstrate that America now
possessed the means to destroy mankind.</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">4.
“Why do we come to this place, to Hiroshima?”<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Personal pronouns, such as “we” and
“us” are usually used to refer to persons previously mentioned or known
implicitly in the context of the words spoken. In this speech, the listener is
never told who “we” are. Does the first person plural pronoun refer to the
people gathered in the park that day? Is Barack Obama speaking for all
Americans? He seems to be implying that “we” refers to all of humanity, but he
leaves this matter unspecified. This reference to an unspecified “we” is also a
common rhetorical device in Christian sermons, so it is interesting to note its
use here in another genre—a speech by a head of state. This mixing of genres is
a curious thing about political discourse in modern times. The president is a
comedian on late-night talk shows or when he addresses the annual White House
Correspondents Dinner (cracking jokes at the 2010 event about drone warfare), [3]
and he speaks like a preacher in Hiroshima. In Secretary Carter’s speech,
discussed below, he talks like a salesman.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Alternative:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Why did I come to this place? That’s
a good question.</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">5. “We
come to ponder a terrible force unleashed in a not-so-distant past.” <o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In this sentence Barack Obama uses
the passive voice (“force [which was] unleashed”) to depersonalize the event,
to avoid mentioning who unleashed the “terrible force.” This term “terrible
force” is also a vague way to avoid describing what actually occurred. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Alternative:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">American forces attacked Hiroshima
with a new weapon of mass destruction which struck the civilian population with
unprecedented blast forces, the heat of the sun, blinding light, and deadly
radiation.</span></i><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The rest of the speech goes on in
the same manner. As a result, the speech was not only the expected avoidance of
apology, Barack Obama’s words actually served to exculpate the people who
carried out the attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The speech shifts
responsibility for the attacks onto all of humanity. The perpetrators of the
attacks are identified now as “mankind” and “humanity,” and likewise it is
mankind and humanity who are supposed to somehow, with no specific initiative
by political leaders, find a way to rid the world of nuclear weapons.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This shifting of responsibility begs
the question of why President Obama himself could not have taken this moment to
announce a specific proposal for new disarmament talks with Russian president
Vladimir Putin. There is no other place to start in nuclear disarmament except
with the two nuclear powers who possess about 93% of the weapons. However, in
all the media coverage given to President Obama’s Hiroshima statement evincing
wistful hopes for a nuclear-free world, there were few explanations of the
stalled progress in negotiations between the two nuclear superpowers.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A general opinion seems to have
formed that this lack of progress is due to a vague and lamentable tendency of
nations to mistrust one another and cling to the status quo. It’s all just some
darned “problem of humanity” floating far above our heads. Gosh, what can be
done about this? Somebody must do something.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The public is never told exactly
what concessions might be necessary to make Russia and the United States
capable of negotiating the reduction of their nuclear arsenals. A fact that is
unmentioned by many observers is that Russia’s preconditions for disarmament
talks would have little to do with nuclear weapons themselves. The first step
would require the United States to radically shrink its global empire and abandon
its role as the leader of a unipolar world order. It would also have
to undo the damage caused by the eastward expansion of NATO since the collapse
of the USSR. That is the starting point for Russia, but the United States
government cannot allow such issues to be even contemplated, so the American
side blames the lack of progress on Russia’s refusal to accept American
dominance, which is not expressed as such but rather, euphemistically, as a
need to commit to, in Ashton Carter’s words, “an inclusive, principled future.”
[4]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nuclear disarmament is frozen in its
tracks because America is blinded by its inability to understand other world
views and to empathize with the concerns of other nations. It cannot
contemplate the reality that much of the global population has a negative view
of the past century of American hegemony. America looks out on the world and
sees only three challenges: (1) terrorists and members of an evil axis of
long-term enemies, (2) cooperative allies who must be grateful for the security
given to them, and (3) difficult frenemies who are pursuing paths of ultimate
“isolation” from the benevolence of the unipolar world order. America cannot
acknowledge the perspectives of other nations that would prefer to negotiate an
alternative path. In addition, America cannot see the ambivalence and
resentment of even its cooperative allies, such as South Korea and Japan.
Viewing the world from the other’s perspective would lead to thinking
unthinkable thoughts in the halls of power in Washington.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At the time of Barack Obama’s speech
in Hiroshima, one could not ignore the backdrop of the American presidential
election campaign that was unfolding at the time. The mainstream political
establishment of both the Republican and Democratic parties haughtily dismissed
Donald Trump as a dangerous narcissist who was utterly unfit to be president. [5]
However, a president with a bona fide narcissistic personality disorder is
exactly what one should expect to emerge on the American political scene as the
offspring of the Democrat-Republican duopoly. “The Donald” is their
problem child, the big man-baby that has been gestating in America’s belly over
the last century. Just imagine that a nation’s behavior and personality could
be viewed as those of an individual. According to the American Psychiatric
Association, a narcissistic personality disorder is “a pattern of grandiosity,
need for admiration, and lack of empathy.” The Association suggests that this
particular disorder is indicated by demonstrating five or more of the following
behaviors:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Has a
grandiose sense of self-importance (e.g., exaggerates achievements and talents,
expects to be recognized as superior without commensurate achievements).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Is
preoccupied with fantasies of unlimited success, power, brilliance, beauty, or
ideal love.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Believes
that he or she is “special” and unique and can only be understood by, or should
associate with, other special or high-status people (or institutions).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Requires
excessive admiration.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Has a
sense of entitlement (i.e., unreasonable expectations of especially favorable treatment
or automatic compliance with his or her expectations).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Is
interpersonally exploitative (i.e., takes advantage of others to achieve his or
her own ends).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Lacks
empathy: is unwilling to recognize or identify with the feelings and needs of
others.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">8.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Is
often envious of others or believes that others are envious of him or her.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="background: white; margin-left: 67.65pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">9.<span style="font-size: 7pt; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Shows
arrogant, haughty behaviors or attitudes. [6]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; text-indent: 10.0mm;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">One can look back at the American
century and see all of these traits in various American exploits around the
globe, and in the way American leaders still speak of their role in the world.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">The
Secretary of Defense Articulates the Obama Doctrine</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the same day that the president gave
his speech in Hiroshima, his secretary of defense, Ashton Carter, was
delivering a commencement speech to the graduating officers at the Annapolis
Naval Academy. Barack Obama doesn’t like to explicitly describe the doctrine of
his administration. He gave the fuzzy, aspirational speech in Hiroshima while
he let Ashton Carter spell out what his doctrine is really all about.
Considering the coincidental timing of the two speeches, both of them should be
displayed side by side in the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum for future
generations to ponder.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Carter’s speech was soaked in
examples of the above-described narcissism. He tells the graduating class, “…
the United States remains the security partner of choice in the Asia-Pacific
and around the world,” for a growing circle of allies and “partners.” Yes, he
said “security partner of choice,” as if he were a marketing man selling
weapons down at the mall to nations shopping for “all their security needs.” He
says this shortly after he has told the graduating officers that almost the
entire Asian continent is not buying the goods, as many nations on the
continent (Russia, Iran, North Korea and China) are behaving “aggressively” and
bringing a historic change that the new officers will have to “manage.” [7]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; text-indent: 10.0mm;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Shortly after the speech, Chinese
Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying responded to Carter’s speech, saying
his remarks “laid bare the stereotypical US thinking and US hegemony,” and
that “China has no interest in any form of Cold War, nor are we interested in
playing a role in a Hollywood movie written and directed by certain US military
officials. However, China has no fear of and will counter any actions that
threaten and undermine China’s sovereignty and security.” [8]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; text-indent: 10.0mm;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Throughout Carter’s speech, one can
note the terminology that seems borrowed from a stockholders’ meeting, but then
this speech actually is part of a sales campaign for the military industry.
Journalist Patrick L. Smith observes that Carter was previously the Pentagon’s Undersecretary
of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics—in other words, in charge
of procurement—and he asks, “How wrong is it to give someone previously
assigned to shopping among the defense contractors the power to set policy?” He
adds:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Conflict of interest is woven into
everything Ash Carter does. In this respect, his appointment as Secretary of
Defense suggests something very disturbing about the true locus of power among
those now setting foreign policy in Washington… He is versed in method, not
purpose. Nobody with even a slight grasp of China and Asian history—or history
in general—could possibly stand on an aircraft carrier in the middle of a
locally conflicted region [Southeast China coastal region] and say the things
Carter did last month. He evinces no sense of his own recklessness. [9]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; text-indent: 10.0mm;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Later in the speech, Carter puts a
soothing gloss on all that America has done over the last century. While
President Obama landed in Japan just in time to face the rage of Okinawans
dealing with another murder by an American soldier, Carter told the soldiers,
“… you’re respectful of other people, and they—militaries and citizens of
countries around the world with whom we partner and fight—appreciate how you
conduct yourselves. They’ve learned that you’re there not to intimidate,
coerce, or exclude, but instead that you inspire, cooperate, and include.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; text-indent: 10.0mm;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">All of this was uttered in total
obliviousness to the fact that billions of people throughout the world would be
appalled by these words. They have a very different view of American
interventions, and of how much America respects international law seeks win-win
solutions. No matter how many wonderful, well-intentioned people there are in
the US military, their presence in foreign lands will always be problematic.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt; text-indent: 10.0mm;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Carter was also oblivious to the
problem created by America’s superior military capabilities, which no other
nation can approach. He boasted of this disparity, unaware, it seems, that it
fills other nations with dread and forces them to pursue nuclear deterrents and
asymmetric strategies. The imbalance actually makes the world less secure.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Carter’s speech required no evidence
and allowed no counter-arguments. It was less abstract than the president’s
speech, but he didn’t have to worry about the sensitivities of the place where
he was speaking. His speech was meant to indoctrinate an unquestioning class of
military graduates, to send them out into the world, obediently following
orders. The historian and West Point graduate, Andrew Bacevich, spoke of this
indoctrination process in a recent interview:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 49.65pt; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">From my upbringing, and I think
notably from attendance at the Military Academy [West Point], I was shaped by
some powerful forces to accept a very particular worldview. I’ve come to
believe that the Military Academy doesn’t educate. It socializes. It forms
people. And maybe it should. Because it exists to prepare people to be servants
of the state, as military officers.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 49.65pt; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So I came out of there and spent
most of my time in the Army, and it took me a long time to recognize the extent
to which I’d been socialized, and to come to appreciate that there were
alternative perspectives. It really took getting out of the Army and distancing
myself from an institution that had been my life. I needed that distance to
begin to think critically about a wide variety of matters: America’s role in
the world, America’s sense of itself, the record of U.S. involvement in parts
of the world, particularly in the period that I, myself, had existed in during
the late Cold War and then into the post-Cold War period…<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-left: 49.65pt; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">I’m appalled by my naïveté, my
inability to ask some pretty obvious questions that should have been obvious at
the time, my willingness to sort of go along. But again, we don’t want military
officers to think that they are policymakers. We want military officers to be
loyal servants of the state, and that’s what I was for a period of time. [10]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Many people who specialize in
nuclear disarmament have failed to address the fact that the American Empire is
the elephant in the room that is impeding all progress. Nuclear disarmament
begins on the path from Washington to Moscow, and nothing is going to happen
until the disparity in conventional military and economic power is addressed to
Moscow’s satisfaction. America has done numerous things to erode the trust of
Russia, and it will take a lot of work to win it back. First there was
America’s triumphalist attitude about having won the Cold War, followed by the
economic shock doctrine imposed in the 1990s, along with the expansion of NATO
up to Russia’s borders. Finally, America orchestrated a pro-Western coup in
Ukraine, slapped economic sanctions on Russia (breaking WTO agreements that
Russia had signed onto), then it demonized Russia for its predictable reaction.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mikhail Gorbachev, a critic of many
aspects of Putin’s leadership, has left his strongest criticisms for the way
American foreign policy has betrayed the promises of Reagan-Gorbachev summits
that ended the Cold War. He declared in 2016, “All of the attempts to resolve
the numerous conflicts of the previous two decades militarily have solved no
real problems, and only led to the erosion of international law and the
glorification of force.” [11]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Around the same time, Germany has downgraded
Russia from “partner” to “security challenge” because Moscow was alleged to have
used hybrid instruments to blur the boundaries between war and peace and
undermine other states, and is influencing global public opinion through
traditional outlets and social media (as if no other government ever attempted
to manipulate the mass media). [12] I declare here that some of the sources
cited herein may be those media outlets that displease Germany, but again, this
is an example of a Western government’s blindness to its own actions. The
problem for the West seems to be not that Russia engages in public relations,
but that it has been successful in presenting the world with a convincing
alternative view of what lies behind the conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, as
well as other global tensions.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This horribly degraded relationship
between the USA and Russia must force nuclear disarmament activists to broaden
their scope of concerns. One can say that nuclear weapons are stupid, useless,
wasteful, too dangerous to possess, too dangerous to ever use, and so on, but
we have to ask what happens when they’re gone. In the absence of nuclear
deterrence, only America would be secure with its overwhelming advantage in
conventional military capacity. In a new period of insecurity, the nuclear arms
race would immediately be replaced with a conventional arms race and probably
much bolder adventurism on the part of America.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The problem remains essentially what
it was in 1955, when Bertrand Russell and Albert Einstein wrote in their famous
manifesto, “Although an agreement to renounce nuclear weapons as part of a
general reduction of armaments would not afford an ultimate solution, it would
serve certain important purposes.” A footnote called for this to be a
“concomitant balanced reduction of all armaments.” The manifesto seemed to
assume that nuclear weapons were here to stay and would inevitably be used in war,
so the more urgent issue was for nations to accept “distasteful limitations of
national sovereignty” and “find peaceful means for the settlement of all
matters of dispute between them.” [13] They wrote the manifesto to launch the
Pugwash Conference, which was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1995 in
recognition of its mission to “diminish the part played by nuclear arms in
international politics and, in the longer run, to eliminate such arms.” [14]<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Thus one could conclude that nuclear
disarmament groups, usually focused on a single issue, are themselves part of
the problem they wish to eliminate. They need to expand their goals, and rename
and rebrand themselves. They need to engage with geopolitics, economics,
ideology, peace studies, history, international law, and environmental justice;
in short, every global problem needs to be addressed on the way to nuclear
disarmament. I have the impression that Henry Kissinger, a supporter of the
Global Zero campaign, wouldn’t agree that radical solutions challenging American
supremacy are necessary, but the example of his being a nuclear disarmament
activist makes my point. [15] It seems logical to get rid of the most
terrifying weapons first, but it may be wiser to start by working on radical reform
of international relations and to start questioning our basic assumptions about
how and by whom the world should be ruled.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;">Notes</span></b><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] George Orwell, “Politics and the English Language,” first
published in the journal <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Horizon</i>
(volume 13, issue 76, pages 252-265) and since widely reproduced.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2] The full text of President Obama’s speech appeared on
page A8 of the May 28, 2016 edition of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">New
York Times</i>, headlined, “The Memory of the Morning of Aug. 6, 1945, Must
Never Fade.” The online version of the article, at nytimes.com, is dated May
27, 2016, and headlined, “Text of President Obama’s Speech in Hiroshima, Japan.” <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[3] Max Fisher, “Obama Finds Predator Drones
Hilarious,” <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">the <i>Atlantic Wire</i></span>
(online supplement of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Atlantic</i>
magazine, now known as the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Wire</i>), May
5, 2010.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[4] Ashton Carter, “Full transcript: Secretary of Defense
Ash Carter’s Naval Academy commencement address,” <i>Capital Gazette</i>,
May 27, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[5] Richard North Patterson, “Too Sick To Lead: The Lethal Personality
Disorder Of Donald Trump,” <i>Huffington Post</i>, June 3, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[6] American Psychiatric Association, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition
(DSM-5)</i> (Washington: American Psychiatric Publishing, 2013). <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[7] Ashton Carter, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Capital
Gazette</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[8] “‘Stuck in Cold War’: Beijing says won’t play role in
Hollywood-style movie directed by US military,” <i>Russia Today</i>, May
30, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[9] Patrick L. Smith, “The Defense Department is
ruining America: Big budgets, militarization and the real story behind our Asia
pivot,” <i>Salon</i>, May 29, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[10] Patrick L. Smith, “‘This will stop only when the
American people get fed up’: American exceptionalism, the New York Times, and
our foreign policy after Barack Obama<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">,”<i> Salon</i></span>,
May 22, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[11] “Gorbachev warns world of ‘cult of force,’ says all
recent conflicts could have had peaceful solution,” <i>Russia Today</i>,
June 3, 2016. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[12] “From partner to rival: Germany to designate Russia ‘a
security challenge’ – report,” <i>Russia Today</i>, June 5, 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[13] <i>The Russell Einstein Manifesto</i>, Pugwash
Conferences on Science and World Affairs, July 9, 1955. The same notion about
the necessary surrender of sovereignty appeared four years earlier in the
science fiction film <i>The Day the Earth Stood Still</i>, in the words of
the alien visitor Klaatu.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[14] “<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Oslo
Award of the Nobel Peace Prize</span>,” Pugwash Conferences on Science and
World Affairs, December 10, 1995.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-line-height-alt: 9.75pt;">
<span lang="EN-CA" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[15] “Realist ‘Four Horsemen’ Challenge Obama, Other ‘Global
Zero’ Advocates to Abandon US Denuclearization,” <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Center for Security Policy</span>, April 1, 2013. The authors of this
press release agree with the point I make about the elder statesmen supporting
Global Zero, but draw different conclusions. They perceive that nuclear arsenal
reductions would threaten the American global security regime that provides
American security and a nuclear umbrella to allies, so they argue against a
“naïve” nuclear reduction plan, whether it involves unilateral or negotiated
reductions.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-59826915755149004442016-06-04T21:00:00.001+09:002016-10-22T23:02:40.604+09:00Hope for Planet of Hopes? New Law in Russia to Give more Freedom to Non-Government Organizations<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In October 2015, I translated an interview with the Russian
activist Nadejda Kutepova that appeared in the journal <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mediapart</i> (France). She had recently come to France to seek
political asylum (which she has since been granted) for the reasons described
in the introduction to the interview <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"><a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2015/10/a-russian-antinuclear-activist-asks-for.html">A
Russian antinuclear activist asks for asylum in France</a></span></i>:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"></span></span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nadejda Kutepova’s story goes
from the Soviet past to the Russia of today. She has been fighting
unrelentingly for the last fifteen years to get recognition of the nuclear
disaster which began in the Urals in 1949. She found herself under attack in
2012 when the Kremlin began clamping down on NGOs, in particular ones concerned
with the military and the environment. Threatened with prosecution, she finally
left her country in July.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nadejda’s work through her charity Planet of Hopes had
always been strictly focused in improving conditions for nuclear workers and
gaining compensation for those whose health was destroyed by both nuclear
disasters and the routine operations of the nuclear weapons complex in Ozersk.
Nonetheless, under the law of the time she was alleged to be a “foreign agent”
for having taken contributions from the American, government-funded “NGO” National
Endowment for Democracy (NED). In <a href="http://nf2045.blogspot.jp/2015/10/trans-border-activism-casualty-of-cold.html">a
subsequent post</a> I stressed that no one could rightly accuse Planet of Hopes
of being engaged in subversive activity, but I pointed out that NED and other
American organizations have been active in Russia and former Soviet states for
many years, engaged very actively in forms of “democracy promotion” that Russia
views as the sort of interference in domestic affairs that is illegal under
international law. NED’s donation to Planet of Hopes was puny in comparison to
what it has contributed to political activities over the past 20 years, so it
seemed that amid the increasingly strained relations between Russia and the US,
the Russian reaction against their activities was highly predictable. Ms.
Kutepova may have not suspected what she was getting into, but her American
benefactors surely could have.</span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is rare that such stories end well, and it still isn’t
over, but there may yet be hope for Planet of Hopes. This week <a href="https://www.rt.com/politics/345286-bill-on-ngos-political-activity/">Russia
Today reported</a> that President Putin has signed a law that restricts the
definition of “political activity” so that a greater number of NGOs and
charities will be able to operate in Russia without having to register as “foreign
agents,” whether they are funded within Russia or not.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>RT reports:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Russian president has signed
into law a bill defining the term political activity of non-governmental
organizations and allowing charity groups receiving funding from abroad not to
register as foreign agents. </span></div>
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</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The new law lists political
activity as participation in street rallies and marches and any activity aimed
at influencing the result of an election or a referendum. The list also
includes elections monitoring, participation in the work of political parties,
public appeals to state agencies seeking changes in laws, circulating
appraisals of existing laws or state policies and attempts to influence views
on political issues through opinion polls.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The act also names the spheres
where no activity can be recognized as political. These are culture, science,
sport, fine arts, healthcare, environmental protection, volunteering and
charity. Groups involved in these activities should not [sic? don’t have to?] register
as foreign agents even if they get foreign funding and at the same time
participate in events seeking to influence the decisions of state bodies.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">At first glance, the law seems to indicate that a favorable outcome
for Planet of Hopes is possible. It would be good too for the <a href="http://bellona.org/about-bellona">Bellona Foundation</a>, an organization
with offices in Norway, Belgium and Russia that has been one of the few
non-government organizations to keep a critical eye on the nuclear industry in
Russia. This may be another of the Russian government’s wise soft power moves
that seek to counter the Western perceptions and propaganda that view Russia as
a corrupt dictatorship and Vladimir Putin as a “thug.” President Putin has reacted to the smears in recent years
by giving lengthy, articulate interviews to foreign correspondents, presenting
arguments in an intelligent manner that puts Barack Obama’s eloquent but empty speechifying to shame.
Russia no doubt has many serious domestic problems, some of which Putin can
take responsibility for and try to fix, and others which he didn’t create and
may not be able to fix. The new law seems like a step in the right direction to helping Russian citizens fix problems themselves,
but it remains to be seen how lower echelon officials in Ozersk, and the
hounding local and national media, would respond to Nadejda coming back to set
up Planet of Hopes again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Glasnost</i> was never easy the first time
around. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>UPDATE 2016/09/13</b>: <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/09/13/a-response-to-russian-environmentalists/" target="_blank">Read the exchange</a> between Jill Stein<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, presid<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ential candidate for the American Green Party, and two persecuted Russian environmentalists, </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Yevgeniya Chirikova and Nadezhda Kutepova</span></span></span> </span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-91707120777907357922016-05-30T22:50:00.003+09:002016-05-30T22:50:30.811+09:00Headlines from the Future: Message from Hiroshima<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">A recent
discovery is shedding light on the century of relative peace that prevailed
after the first atomic weapon was used. The document that was recently found on
a small memory drive buried in layers of rubble may tell us something about the
intellectual climate that prevailed in the years leading up to the great
cataclysm. The document is concerned with the atomic attack on Hiroshima and
the subsequent hopes to live in a world without nuclear weapons. It seems to
have been delivered in Hiroshima as a speech at some time after the atomic bomb
was dropped on the city in 1945. However, according to archaeologists who are
analyzing the text, there is a frustrating lack of clues as to who wrote these
words, and there is a conspicuous, seemingly deliberate avoidance of reference
to specific historical figures, events, nations and contentious ideas about how
realize the goal of a nuclear-free world. One historian noted:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Aspirational
essays and speeches like this began to appear within months of the bombing in
August 1945, so it could have been any time over the next century. These
documents were remarkable for the degree to which eloquence was combined with
boilerplate, vapid, aspirational drivel that managed to refer to no actual
events or serious approaches for resolving the problem under discussion. As far
as this new discovery is concerned, we would love to know who spoke these words
and when. For now, it at least seems to shed light on the declining culture
that led to the global upheaval. Several theories are bouncing around. References
in the text tell us the speaker was American, and the mention of the “genetic
code” suggest it dates to the 1950s when DNA was first understood. Some believe
it was authored by a beauty pageant contestant, or a high school student in a
speech competition. It may have been such a person, someone who would have had
little knowledge about current events, only a vague knowledge of the outline of
world history, and definitely not any critical awareness of it. Another less
likely theory is that it was delivered by a highly placed political figure who
was painfully constrained by several factors such as public opinion, power
projected through dominant bureaucracies and financial interests, as well as his
or her own cognitive dissonance—the gap between long-ago stated goals and the
actual record of achievement. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">The newly
discovered text follows:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">______</span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"> </span>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">…
years ago, on a bright cloudless morning, death fell from the sky and the world
was changed. A flash of light and a wall of fire destroyed a city and
demonstrated that mankind possessed the means to destroy itself.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Why
do we come to this place, to Hiroshima? We come to ponder a terrible force
unleashed in a not-so-distant past. We come to mourn the dead, including over
100,000 Japanese men, women and children, thousands of Koreans, a dozen
Americans held prisoner.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Their
souls speak to us. They ask us to look inward, to take stock of who we are and
what we might become.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">It
is not the fact of war that sets Hiroshima apart. Artifacts tell us that violent
conflict appeared with the very first man. Our early ancestors having learned
to make blades from flint and spears from wood used these tools not just for
hunting but against their own kind. On every continent, the history of
civilization is filled with war, whether driven by scarcity of grain or hunger
for gold, compelled by nationalist fervor or religious zeal. Empires have risen
and fallen. Peoples have been subjugated and liberated. And at each juncture,
innocents have suffered, a countless toll, their names forgotten by time.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">The
world war that reached its brutal end in Hiroshima and Nagasaki was fought
among the wealthiest and most powerful of nations. Their civilizations had
given the world great cities and magnificent art. Their thinkers had advanced
ideas of justice and harmony and truth. And yet the war grew out of the same
base instinct for domination or conquest that had caused conflicts among the
simplest tribes, an old pattern amplified by new capabilities and without new
constraints.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">In
the span of a few years, some 60 million people would die. Men, women,
children, no different than us. Shot, beaten, marched, bombed, jailed, starved,
gassed to death. There are many sites around the world that chronicle this war,
memorials that tell stories of courage and heroism, graves and empty camps that
echo of unspeakable depravity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Yet
in the image of a mushroom cloud that rose into these skies, we are most
starkly reminded of humanity’s core contradiction. How the very spark that
marks us as a species, our thoughts, our imagination, our language, our
toolmaking, our ability to set ourselves apart from nature and bend it to our
will — those very things also give us the capacity for unmatched destruction.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">How
often does material advancement or social innovation blind us to this truth?
How easily we learn to justify violence in the name of some higher cause.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Every
great religion promises a pathway to love and peace and righteousness, and yet
no religion has been spared from believers who have claimed their faith as a
license to kill.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Nations
arise telling a story that binds people together in sacrifice and cooperation,
allowing for remarkable feats. But those same stories have so often been used
to oppress and dehumanize those who are different.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Science
allows us to communicate across the seas and fly above the clouds, to cure
disease and understand the cosmos, but those same discoveries can be turned
into ever more efficient killing machines.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">The
wars of the modern age teach us this truth. Hiroshima teaches this truth.
Technological progress without an equivalent progress in human institutions can
doom us. The scientific revolution that led to the splitting of an atom
requires a moral revolution as well.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">That
is why we come to this place. We stand here in the middle of this city and
force ourselves to imagine the moment the bomb fell. We force ourselves to feel
the dread of children confused by what they see. We listen to a silent cry. We
remember all the innocents killed across the arc of that terrible war and the
wars that came before and the wars that would follow.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Mere
words cannot give voice to such suffering. But we have a shared responsibility
to look directly into the eye of history and ask what we must do differently to
curb such suffering again.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Someday,
the voices of the hibakusha will no longer be with us to bear witness. But the
memory of the morning of Aug. 6, 1945, must never fade. That memory allows us
to fight complacency. It fuels our moral imagination. It allows us to change.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">And
since that fateful day, we have made choices that give us hope. The United
States and Japan have forged not only an alliance but a friendship that has won
far more for our people than we could ever claim through war. The nations of
Europe built a union that replaced battlefields with bonds of commerce and
democracy. Oppressed people and nations won liberation. An international
community established institutions and treaties that work to avoid war and
aspire to restrict and roll back and ultimately eliminate the existence of
nuclear weapons.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Still,
every act of aggression between nations, every act of terror and corruption and
cruelty and oppression that we see around the world shows our work is never
done. We may not be able to eliminate man’s capacity to do evil, so nations and
the alliances that we form must possess the means to defend ourselves. But
among those nations like my own that hold nuclear stockpiles, we must have the
courage to escape the logic of fear and pursue a world without them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">We
may not realize this goal in my lifetime, but persistent effort can roll back
the possibility of catastrophe. We can chart a course that leads to the
destruction of these stockpiles. We can stop the spread to new nations and
secure deadly materials from fanatics.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">And
yet that is not enough. For we see around the world today how even the crudest
rifles and barrel bombs can serve up violence on a terrible scale. We must
change our mind-set about war itself. To prevent conflict through diplomacy and
strive to end conflicts after they’ve begun. To see our growing interdependence
as a cause for peaceful cooperation and not violent competition. To define our
nations not by our capacity to destroy but by what we build. And perhaps, above
all, we must reimagine our connection to one another as members of one human
race.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">For
this, too, is what makes our species unique. We’re not bound by genetic code to
repeat the mistakes of the past. We can learn. We can choose. We can tell our
children a different story, one that describes a common humanity, one that
makes war less likely and cruelty less easily accepted.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">We
see these stories in the hibakusha. The woman who forgave a pilot who flew the
plane that dropped the atomic bomb because she recognized that what she really
hated was war itself. The man who sought out families of Americans killed here
because he believed their loss was equal to his own.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">My
own nation’s story began with simple words: All men are created equal and
endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights including life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness. Realizing that ideal has never been easy, even
within our own borders, even among our own citizens. But staying true to that
story is worth the effort. It is an ideal to be strived for, an ideal that
extends across continents and across oceans. The irreducible worth of every
person, the insistence that every life is precious, the radical and necessary
notion that we are part of a single human family — that is the story that we
all must tell.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">That
is why we come to Hiroshima. So that we might think of people we love. The
first smile from our children in the morning. The gentle touch from a spouse
over the kitchen table. The comforting embrace of a parent. We can think of
those things and know that those same precious moments took place here… years
ago.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Those
who died, they are like us. Ordinary people understand this, I think. They do
not want more war. They would rather that the wonders of science be focused on
improving life and not eliminating it. When the choices made by nations, when
the choices made by leaders, reflect this simple wisdom, then the lesson of
Hiroshima is done.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">The
world was forever changed here, but today the children of this city will go
through their day in peace. What a precious thing that is. It is worth
protecting, and then extending to every child. That is a future we can choose,
a future in which Hiroshima and Nagasaki are known not as the dawn of atomic
warfare but as the start of our own moral awakening.</span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"> </span>
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">______</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">If
you’ve read this far, the jig is up. You know this is the <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/28/world/asia/text-of-president-obamas-speech-in-hiroshima-japan.html?_r=1">Hiroshima
Statement</a> read by US President Barack Obama on May 27, 2016. For the sake
of setting up the satire, I deleted the two references to “seventy-one years ago.”
Other than these two indications in the original, the point made here remains.
This long statement is stripped of context and importance. It says nothing of
substance about nuclear disarmament. The best thing to come out of the
president’s visit is the fact that Hiroshima and Nagasaki received so much
attention from the world media and the visit provoked many writers to make
excellent analyses that were infinitely better than the statement delivered in
Hiroshima Peace Park:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Adam
Taylor, “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/05/26/the-things-america-hasnt-apologized-for/?postshare=2691464390971107&tid=ss_fb">It’s
not just Hiroshima: The many other things America hasn’t apologized for</a>,” <i>Washington
Post</i>, May 26, 2016.</span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Eric
Draitser, “<a href="http://linkis.com/stopimperialism.org/U5SwJ">Obama in
Hiroshima: A Case Study in Hypocrisy</a>,” <i>Stop Imperialism</i>, May 20,
2016. </span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Gar
Alperovitz, “</span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.salon.com/2016/05/11/we_didnt_need_to_drop_the_bomb_and_even_our_ww_ii_military_icons_knew_it/"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">We didn’t need to drop the bomb — and even
our WW II military icons knew it</span></a></span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Salon</i>, May 12,
2016.</span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Jack
Mirkinson, “<a href="http://www.salon.com/2016/05/12/americas_enduring_hiroshima_shame_why_barack_obama_should_apologize_for_the_atomic_bomb_but_wont/">America’s
enduring Hiroshima shame: Why Barack Obama should apologize for the atomic bomb
— but won’t</a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Salon</i>,
May 12, 2016.</span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Miki
Toda and Mari Yamaguchi, “<a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/">Japanese
Don’t </a><a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/">Expect
Ap</a><a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/">ology</a><a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/">
from Obama During Visit to Hiroshima</a>,” <i>Global News</i>, May 11, 2016. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">Simon
Wood, “<a href="http://www.dianuke.org/obama-does-hiroshima/">Obama Does
Hiroshima</a>,” Dianuke.org, May 28, 2016.</span><span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"></span><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-43390636894700245812016-05-17T22:39:00.002+09:002024-01-23T16:11:17.159+09:00Hiroshima and Nagasaki: You can't apologize for some things<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]--><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">-Remember who you're talking to. Master of the S.S. Samaritan... whose hands</span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">—</span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span>these very hands—flung seven German officers into her fiery furnace.<br />-You did not.<br />-One after the other, kicking and squealing.<br />-The tale gets taller each time he tells it. Geoffrey, you know very well you didn't. The British Navy doesn't give medals to murderers.<br />-Well, I might have done it. I was the commanding officer responsible. You can't apologize for some things. The past fills up quicker than we know.</span><i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> </span></i><br />
<div style="text-align: right;">
<i><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Under the Volcano (film dialogue)</span><br /><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">by Malcolm Lowry</span></i></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
news has just come over that for the first time a sitting president of the
United States will visit Hiroshima. This has provoked the question (and the
fear of many Americans) of whether Barack Obama will apologize for the dropping
of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.</span></div>
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</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsTeT8I568_vy0eRo2ECw23mDuOMP8Byt3jwXQiwXy8m057QmY4VBgf0XVynoTDyh5j2gFcVLxgPsZ7TGe70o2JIDoGoUojjrYwL3RjqKY7HtHi5DP6I6j4EoUbsJ-NFaIKbqAgSYmBOU/s1600/Hiroshima-Hypocenter.JPG" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhsTeT8I568_vy0eRo2ECw23mDuOMP8Byt3jwXQiwXy8m057QmY4VBgf0XVynoTDyh5j2gFcVLxgPsZ7TGe70o2JIDoGoUojjrYwL3RjqKY7HtHi5DP6I6j4EoUbsJ-NFaIKbqAgSYmBOU/s400/Hiroshima-Hypocenter.JPG" width="358" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">A
poll showed that the majority of Americans see no need for Obama to apologize,
but it is impossible to know what this means. Many of the people who feel this
way obviously hold onto the belief that the bombs shortened the war or saved
lives, or other such myths, while others might also believe that the attacks
were a crime against humanity, but they just don’t see how an apology would
serve any useful purpose. </span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">In
Malcom Lowry’s novel <i>Under the Volcano</i>, the protagonist Geoffrey Firmin declares emphatically,
“You can't apologize for some things. The past fills up quicker than we know.”
This is what he says about his guilt for having been commanding officer of a
British ship on which seven German prisoners were flung into the ship’s furnace.
Although his conscience was haunted and it fueled his fatal alcoholism, he
could find no way to apologize. Any apology would sound hollow or incomplete,
and its sincerity would always be suspect. Perhaps this is why some Americans
feel no apology should be made. You can apo<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">logize when you b<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">u</span>mp into a stranger, but for <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Hiroshima</span>? Where would one begin, and when would one finish? </span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
best we can hope for at this stage is that we finally learn how to have an
honest conversation about what the historical record has made clear. The need
for post-hoc rationalizations will hopefully recede into the past. Below is a
list of some of points that President Obama could acknowledge in Hiroshima, if
he wants to make progress in his quest for a world free of nuclear weapons.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
project to build the bombs was itself a recklessness endangerment of the people
who made the bomb, as well as the land, flora, and fauna <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">of America, </i>and later the world.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
bomb was recklessly developed before anyone fully understood DNA and the
biological mechanisms that <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">a</span>re harmed by radiation, before anyone understood
how the nuclear age would impact all life henceforth.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">One
of the purposes in dropping the bombs was to achieve a dominant position in the
world order that would come after WWII.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Peaceful
alternatives were not pursued. A negotiated surrender was possible. President
Truman used the bomb too hastily after it had been tested.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
entry of the Soviet Union into the war was a major consideration leading to
Japan’s decision to surrender.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">President
Truman and his advisors did not listen to scientists and high ranking military
commanders who advised against using the bomb on both moral and practical
grounds.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
atomic bomb<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">ings</span> were clearly war crimes under the laws of the day.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">8.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
bombs were used partly because the <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Manhattan P</span>roject had too much bureaucratic inertia.
No one had a plan for how <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">atom<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> bombs</span></span> should or should not be used. Leslie Groves, the
military leader in charge of the Manhattan Project pressured his scientists to
finish the bomb out of a fear that the war would end before it was ready or the Soviets would "get in on the kill." He
and others in the government feared the political fallout of not using the
products of such a costly military program.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">9.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The
American public and intellectual class went to great lengths to lie about and
rationalize the decision to use the atomic bombs. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 1cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -1cm;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Verdana; mso-fareast-font-family: Verdana;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">10.<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">After
the bombs were created, insufficient effort was made to avoid an arms race
before it escalated out of control.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Admitting
all of this would be better than any official apology that would only invite a
counter-productive, heated reaction from American nationalists. But the main
reason is you just can't apologize for some things, and this doesn’t mean the
perpetrator is unaware of or unburdened by what he has done. It’s a mistake to
expect an apology for such a colossal act of mass murder. There is a reason
such things are called <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">unspeakable</i>
acts, and I suspect the Japanese know this. They have decided that there is a
distant goal more worthy than the selfish satisfaction of hearing an apology.
If president Obama prefers, he could refer to the historical record as
“mistakes” or “tragic alternatives not taken,” or whatever he wants to call
them. He could even use that word that Japanese officials love to use whenever
sorry seems to be the hardest word in a conversation about the Japanese Empire.
It’s all just so damn <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">regrettable</i> (</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: 9pt;">ikan'na</span></i><span lang="JA" style="font-family: "ms mincho"; font-size: 9pt;">遺憾な</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">), isn’t it? Let’s just leave it at
that. <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">President Obama</span> would do the world a service if he would just set the record straight
once and for all, and maybe show some appreciation for the historians who have <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">examined</span> the fake controversy and rationalizations for the last seventy
years and <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">found evidence for</span> alternative explanations.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> But who am I kidding with <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">this contorted <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">proposal for <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">getting around</span> the need to say that emotionally loaded word "sorry"? By definition, a good apology <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">consist</span>s of an admission of misdeeds and the suffering they caused, a<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">s well as a pro<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">mise <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">by</span> the <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">apologizer <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">that the misdeeds will not be repeated. Th<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">is</span> promise is logically implicit in the admission<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">, so the p<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">roposal outlined above <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">would </span>actually be a <i>de facto</i> apology that only lacks mention of the words "sorry" and "apology<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span>"<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> In<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> fact, this <i>de facto</i> apology would be bet<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">ter tha<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">n just <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">a vague apology that refers to nothing specifically.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span> Unfortunately, the ten-point list above includes many elements of c<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">ontemporary de<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">fense doctrine </span></span>that America<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> and other great powers <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">adhere to</span> (such as <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">refusing to negotiate towar<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">d a<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> peaceful settlement</span></span></span>, disobeying international law) to advance their strategic interests in the world, so President Obama <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">will avoid making any admission of past mistakes <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">because he does not want to imply that America has <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">given up</span> these old habit<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">s</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. He will come to <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Peace Park <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">in Hiroshima<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">, bow <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">his head <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">at</span> the appropriate times, and say a few <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">platitudes about working toward a world without nuclear weapons</span>, but the implicit message in <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">everything said and unsaid</span> will <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">amount to</span> "Sorry, not sorry."</span></span></span></span></span></span></span> </span></span></span></span></span></span> </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Other views:</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Adam Taylor, "<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/05/26/the-things-america-hasnt-apologized-for/?postshare=2691464390971107&tid=ss_fb">It’s not just Hiroshima: The many other things America hasn’t apologized for</a>," <i>Washington Post</i>, May 26, 2016.</span></span><br />
<br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Eric Draitser, "</span><a href="http://linkis.com/stopimperialism.org/U5SwJ">Obama in Hiroshima: A Case Study in Hypocrisy</a>," <i>Stop Imperial</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><i>ism</i>, May 20, 2016.</span> </span><br />
<br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Gar
Alperovitz, “</span><a href="http://www.salon.com/2016/05/11/we_didnt_need_to_drop_the_bomb_and_even_our_ww_ii_military_icons_knew_it/"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">We didn’t need to drop the bomb — and
even our WW II military icons knew it</span></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">,”
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Salon</i>, May 12, 2016.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">President
Obama will finally visit Hiroshima. Moral leadership suggests both sides
apologize for unspeakable acts.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Jack
Mirkinson, “<a href="http://www.salon.com/2016/05/12/americas_enduring_hiroshima_shame_why_barack_obama_should_apologize_for_the_atomic_bomb_but_wont/">America’s
enduring Hiroshima shame: Why Barack Obama should apologize for the atomic bomb
— but won’t</a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Salon</i>, May 12,
2016.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Obama will
become the first sitting president to ever visit the site of one of America's
greatest crimes. </span><br />
<br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Miki Toda and Mari Yamaguchi, "<a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/">Japanese Don't </a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/">Expect Ap</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/">ology</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><a href="http://globalnews.ca/news/2693906/japanese-dont-expect-apology-from-obama-during-visit-to-hiroshima/"> from Obama During Visit to Hiroshima</a>," <i>Global News</i>, May 11, 2016.</span></span></span> </span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-29549039128271814422016-04-29T21:38:00.000+09:002016-04-29T21:38:51.117+09:00650 Chemical and Rad-Waste Dumping Expeditions off the Northeast US Coast, 1946-1958<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-themecolor: text1;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-themecolor: text1;">This
obscure find from the pages of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Readers
Digest</i> and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Saturday Evening Post</i>
is a curiously open and honest report from 1958 on the dumping of radioactive waste
at sea in the US Northeast. It appeared at the emergence of widespread
environmental consciousness, and the dumping was not yet illegal or banned by international
treaties. In this article, the reporter writes nonchalantly on what would, in a
few years, be seen as an outrageous crime against nature. He seems to have
written it without fear of government officials or editors who would have
sensed the topic was too hot to handle. The contractor interviewed in the
report, the person responsible for hauling the nuclear waste, also seemed
unconcerned about any negative consequences that could come from the public
becoming aware of his activities. Today he would be very aware of the
non-disclosure clause in his contract. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-themecolor: text1;">Perhaps
there were some officials in the Atomic Energy Commission who kept a closer eye
on left wing radicals and didn’t suspect <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Readers
Digest </i>would give the game away. There must have been some sensitivity about
letting such information get out to the public, but this story seems to have
got out before security was tightened and public vigilance was aroused. Thus
this unusual report from 1958 provides a rare glimpse into the candid thoughts
of people who earned their living in the nuclear industry. Soon after this time
they became aware of the need to say as little as possible.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-themecolor: text1;">The
report also offers some insight into just how well they understood the problem
even back then. For example, the journalist learned of the problems of latent
heat in radioactive waste, which could cause underground fires and leaks into
the environment, and the other problem of corrosion of containment vessels. These
problems have not been solved in the last seventy years, but contemporary media
reports on nuclear waste plans usually fail to mention them. The experts
interviewed on the topic don’t offer this information, and the journalists don’t
know enough about the issue to ask the right questions. It is ironic that one
has to go back to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Readers Digest</i> of
1958 to find the frank, unguarded comments of insiders who were still oblivious
to the risks of public disclosure.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">From <i>Readers Digest</i>, </span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">April 1958</span></b>:</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;"><br />
<a href="http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/19537957/gangway-atomic-garbage-man"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Gang Way for the Atomic Garbage Man!</b></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;"><i>Saturday
Evening Post</i>, January 25, 1958, Vol. 230 Issue 30, p. 36</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Condensed from
the <i>Saturday Evening Post</i><br />
John Kobler<br />
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Readers Digest</i>, April 1958</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b><span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">ABSTRACT</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Focuses on the
job of skipper George Perry to tow and dispose toxic wastes that were collected
from atomic research centers and industrial plants in the U.S. Use by his crew
of photographic film to measure the amount of radiation they may have been
exposed too; Efforts of Perry to administer the disposal of a batch of cans of
zirconium which have the tendency to explode; Disagreeable experience of Perry
with metallic sodium.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeYPIhTV9iQhzX4vsMduqJUF-7ESGgK5DtHMo1nDR4lQvS89YkKK2MS7ZrCccjSUvrqx-z2ipjA5wl6ZJTFsBzBiAx9bh9MQw-Wa35RUwIpe7fwy_y73sShyphenhyphenR2DgCf2WgRUVsBlEF_ng0/s1600/saturday+evening+post-1958-01-25.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="238" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjeYPIhTV9iQhzX4vsMduqJUF-7ESGgK5DtHMo1nDR4lQvS89YkKK2MS7ZrCccjSUvrqx-z2ipjA5wl6ZJTFsBzBiAx9bh9MQw-Wa35RUwIpe7fwy_y73sShyphenhyphenR2DgCf2WgRUVsBlEF_ng0/s400/saturday+evening+post-1958-01-25.JPG" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;"></span>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">He
holds one of the world’s newest, riskiest jobs: getting rid of radioactive
waste that is almost too hot to handle.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">As
dawn broke over Boston harbor one day last fall the tug boat Irene-Mae waddled
out into the Atlantic on a strange mission. Forward of her wheel house rose a
tall crane and at the end of her tow line rose a huge scow. Her destination lay
27 miles due northeast, marked on the coast and geodetic navigation charts
“foul area explosives.” Her owner and captain, George Perry, had delayed
departure two days until the weather bureau forecast clear skies and calm seas,
for her cargo demanded smooth passage. Aboard the scow were hundreds of tons of
reinforced concrete block, each encasing a steel drum full of radioactive
waste. Collected from atomic research centers and atomic energy using industry
plants all over the United States, this toxic rubbish included decaying
radioisotopes, contaminated tools and clothing, and partly depleted fissionable
raw material. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">When
the dowdy craft reached its destination, Perry, a bull-lung, 51 year old salt,
slowed the engines and Jim Nuss, his brother-in-law and foreman, drew the scow
closer. Joe Cronin, a twenty-one-year old hand, boarded her and using a
forklift truck, jettisoned the concrete blocks over the side. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">The
depth at that spot, which US army engineers designated as a dumping ground,
averages 250 feet, and the mud on the bottom is so thick that concrete will not
shatter on landing. The mud also provides an additional sealer against
radiation. By noon the last block had been jettisoned and the tug boat headed
back to Boston. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">It
was the Irene-Mae’s 650th such expedition since 1946, when Perry, then a marine
salvage operator, and John Santangelo, a young safety technician, founded Cross
Roads Marine disposal. Named after operation Cross Road, the Bikini test
explosion, this is the only private outfit on the east coast licensed by the US
Atomic Energy Commission to unload radioactive garbage at sea. There are three
west coast civilian agencies which occasionally sink some in the Pacific.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">At
present Cross Roads has almost 70 steady customers. The firm grossed about a
hundred thousand dollars in 1957, and the prospects for 1958 look so bright
that Perry is seeking a second boat and more scows. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Besides
radioactive waste, the captain and his hearties fetch and carry a variety of
chemical leftovers, any of which could blast them into eternity. Perry still
winces at the memory of a barrel of overage metallic sodium that a Cambridge
Lab wanted to be rid of. The Lab was in a basement. While his truck waited, the
captain and Santangello rolled the barrel onto an elevator. As the elevator
started up, the compound emitted a hissing sound. “The ascent lasted less than
a minute,” Santangello relays, “but to me it was a century. I prayed in English
and Italian.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Gritting
their teeth, they dragged the barrel to the roadway. The hissing grew louder.
Santangello yelled a warning and backed off. The captain hesitated, calculating
that the chances of getting the barrel to an open field. Santangello yelled
again and Perry skedaddled. His plight was not premature. The barrel burst with
a bang that shattered windows a block away. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Perry’s
curious enterprise owes its beginning to one of the most formidable problems of
the nuclear era. If atomic projects are to progress, storage will have to be found
for mountains of tainted litter. A recent report by the AEC says: “Disposal
will be a factor in determining the extent of the use of power reactors.” Of
the methods adapted so far, none offers more than a stop gap solution, and all
are expensive. At Oak Ridge, Tennessee, pits dug in the earth receive the less
dangerous waste. The hottest waste, much of it liquid, whose radioactivity may
last for eons, goes into underground, steel lined concrete tanks. “But we are
merely sweeping the problem under the carpet,” says an AEC engineer. “The
radioactivity is sure to outlive the tanks.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Now
under study is the feasibility of pumping liquid nuclear waste down abandoned
oil wells or mines thousands of feet below the water table. The sites must be
such that the liquids must not pollute natural resources. It must also be
ascertained whether by their heat they could boil up a radioactive geyser.<br />
The ocean floor seems a comparatively secure suppository. Yet its use raises
posers to which the experts have no definitive answers. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Despite
steel and concrete, seepages of radiation may occur. If unlimited amounts are
dumped in the same spots, will they build up noxious rays, saturating marine
life and turning one of man’s cheap sources of food into poison. Can the containers
resist erosion until all radioactivity has declined? These are the questions
the AEC is continuously pondering. No imminent peril threatened, however, for
analysis of specimens of foul area water has thus far shown no significant
radiation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Blind
chance led Perry into his present business. One of 14 children of a Brookline,
Massachusetts, carpenter, he ended his formal education after 3 years at
Northeastern University because his father needed his help. In 1929, he set up
his own building contractor firm. While building a wharf he accidently dropped
his tool in 20 feet of water, and to recover them he rented a divers suit. What
he saw, sloughing around the river bed, so bemused him that he took up deep sea
diving for the sport. His skill at it proved valuable to the coast guard, which
he served as a Chief Boatswain during the war. Upon his discharge Perry
organized Atlantic Marine Salvage Inc. It still functions as a minor adjunct to
Crossroads. From the army he bought the Irene-Mae, a 65 foot former mine
tender. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">One
morning in 1945 Perry was repainting his vessel when John Santangello, a tall
intense youth, turned up on the wharf. Though only 20, he held a responsible
position in a nuclear physics laboratory. The accumulation of radioactive
debris there was growing critical. Two or three local boatmen had made the run
to the foul area but were not eager to repeat it. The coastguard told
Santangello, “Ask Perry. He will tackle anything.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">Without
divulging the nature of the unwanted material, Santangello asked the captain if
he cared to haul 5 tons. “It was nice weather for a boat ride,” Perry recalled,
“so I figured what the hell.” Santangello went along. Toiling side by side,
they became fast friends.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-indent: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif;">*for
the story how Canada disposes of her atomic waste, see “Fighting the Wild Atoms
At Chalk River,” Readers Digest March 1955*</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;">Re-published
here non-commercially with intent of fair use for historical research, public
education and public right to know. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Verdana",sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">(Thanks, Ray, for passing it along.) </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<br /></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-41773455311607715652016-04-22T22:24:00.001+09:002022-03-11T10:58:07.502+09:00On the "uselessness" of nuclear weapons<div style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0mm; mso-add-space: auto; mso-outline-level: 1;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">On
the “uselessness” of nuclear weapons<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">One common view in nuclear disarmament studies is that
nuclear weapons are useless because they can never be used. Colin Powell is one
of many voices for disarmament who have expressed this view that they have no purpose
because no one dare use them. [1] In this view, the policy of mutual assured
destruction is merely an absurd trap from which the superpowers must extricate
themselves. But if this were all there was to it, we would have to ask why they
continue to exist. Nuclear weapons are a colossal expenditure of national
wealth, lives and the natural environment, so it would be better to look for
rational rather than irrational reasons for their continual existence. We have
to ask what makes them so worthwhile to the nations that sacrificed so much to
get them and now cling to them so stubbornly. If they really did have no
advantages, surely we would have eliminated them by now. Perhaps the
conventional wisdom is missing something.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">In the 1991 documentary film, <i>The Truth of
Christmas Island</i>, a high ranking officer in Britain’s nuclear program
described the thinking that was behind the decision to test hydrogen bombs in
the Pacific in the late 1950s:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">The government had
made a decision many years before in its secret committee that Britain had to
be a nuclear power or otherwise we were right out of world politics. That was
not to be tolerated for a moment. And then suddenly it was realized that an
international ban on testing... was about to come into force in perhaps a year’s
time and we would be left outside, so Britain would immediately become a second
rate power. In no way were we ready to do a test in a year’s time. [2]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-outline-level: 1; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd; text-align: right;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">-Air Vice-Marshall Richard Oulton, Task Force
Commander 1955-57<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Similar comments can be found elsewhere in the historical
records of other nuclear powers. Possession of nuclear weapons brings much more
than just symbolic status. French leaders have also spoken frequently of the
glory of having <i>la force de la frappe</i> (the power to strike).
Elsewhere, when asked to make a commitment to never strike first, nuclear
powers prefer to remain coy because ambiguity is key. As the old hair dye
television commercial used to say, “Keep them guessing.” The value of the
weapons would be diminished if a state were to announce to potential
adversaries that they wouldn’t be used in certain situations. After spending so
much national treasure and destroying lives and the natural environment just to
make the bombs, states have no intention of lowering their strategic value.
Besides, even if a state promised to never launch a first strike, the promise
would be very easy to break. The world that followed would be too shattered to
hold a war crimes tribunal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">In truth, planners envision many disastrous scenarios in
which a first strike might be the only way to preserve national sovereignty.
Tactical (battlefield) nuclear weapons, for example, are meant to be used at
the discretion of field commanders in some instances, as is the case in
Pakistan presently. [3]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">A nation might be depleted of all means of defense, near
defeat, facing imminent ruin and occupation. It might be under threat of an
ambiguously worded threat of “mass destruction” which does not necessarily
imply a nuclear strike. When backed into such a corner, what government would
refrain from using, or threatening to use, every weapon at its disposal? The
ability to threaten is useful in itself, but a nation can’t threaten to use a
weapon if it doesn’t possess it or if it has promised to not use it in certain
circumstance–unless of course it breaks the promise, which could be done quite
easily. The term “non-explosive use of nuclear weapons” has been coined to
refer to all the ways nations use nuclear weapons while they remain ostensibly
unused.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">The French have been very talkative on this point whenever
they discuss their country’s possession of <i>la frappe</i>. When
President Hollande was asked in February 2016, during a state visit to French
Polynesia, whether the state should apologize to the victims of the fallout and
admit that nuclear testing was a mistake, he balked as if the question were
absurd, and bluntly said, no, that’s how we got <i>la frappe, la
dissuasion</i>. [4] In French politics, it is beyond the pale to question the
value of this achievement. They thank the French veterans and Polynesians for
their sacrifice, made with uninformed consent, and have recognized that there
were “effects,” but that is as far as it goes. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Two quotations by recent French presidents make it clear
that deterrence does not mean only deterring an opponent from a nuclear first
strike:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-left: 28.25pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.57gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">On the topic,
President Sarkozy said: My first duty as head of state and of the military is
to assure that in all circumstances France, its territory, its people, and its
republican institutions, are secure. And in all circumstances, our national
independence and our autonomy of decision-making must be preserved. Nuclear
deterrence is the ultimate guarantee of this. Taking measure of this reality is
the heavy responsibility of every president of the republic. (March 21, 2008)
[5]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">President Chirac declared:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">It is the
responsibility of the head of state to appreciate always the extent of our
vital interests. The uncertainty of this limit is consubstantial with the
doctrine of deterrence… It is up to the president of the republic to appreciate
the profound potential consequences of an aggression, a menace or an
unacceptable blackmail threatening our interests. This analysis could, in an
applicable case, lead to an understanding that a threat to our vital interests
exists. (January 19, 2006) [6]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">North Korea has also stated a similar stance on the
use of its nuclear weapons. <i>Reuters</i> and <i>Russia Today</i> translated
and interpreted Kim Jong-un’s statement incorrectly as saying “the North
will adhere to the principles of nuclear non-proliferation and would never
attack first.” Further down in the report the policy was clarified as
something a little different: “As a responsible nuclear weapons state, our
Republic will not use a nuclear weapon unless its sovereignty is encroached
upon by any aggressive hostile forces with nukes.” [7] In other words, their
policy retains the same ambiguity as that of other
nuclear powers. They will not necessarily wait to be struck by a
nuclear bomb before launching their own. They will use a nuclear
weapon when their “sovereignty is encroached upon.” The difference is
crucial. Being the victim of a first nuclear strike would be a fact, an
event which no one could dispute, but having “sovereignty encroached upon”
by forces equipped with nuclear weapons would be a subjective
feeling and matter of interpretation. The nuclear powers all
retain the right to make this judgment for themselves and strike
pre-emptively. When the promise of no first use is
discussed, it can best be understood as a wishful
preference, as the nuclear powers never make an unambiguous
commitment to it. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">In August 2016, US President Obama floated the idea of
committing to “no first use,” but he received little support within his own
administration and from allies that are protected by the American nuclear
umbrella. President Bush’s 2002 Nuclear Posture Review stated three scenarios
in which the US would respond with a first nuclear strike: when attacked by
weapons of mass destruction of any type, to penetrate hardened underground
targets that couldn’t be destroyed by conventional weapons, and in the event of
“surprising military developments.” [8] It is plausible that all nations in
possession of nuclear weapons have similar policies, whether they are
explicitly stated or not. Half the motivation for wanting the weapons in the
first place is to be able to wield these threats.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">In <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Empire and Nuclear
Weapons</i>, an article written in 2007 about his new book, Joseph Gerson
described how American officials have defined nuclear deterrence in a similarly
broad fashion over the years. His description of the five established uses of
nuclear weapons is paraphrased below:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">1. Battlefield use,
with the term “battlefield” meant to include the civilian populations of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The long-held consensus among scholars has been that
these first atomic bombings were not necessary to end the war against Japan,
and that they were designed to serve a second function of the U.S. nuclear
arsenal…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">2. Dictate the
parameters of the global (dis)order by implicitly terrorizing U.S. enemies and
allies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">3. Threaten opponents
with first strike nuclear attacks in order to terrorize them into negotiating
on terms acceptable to the United States or... to ensure that desperate
governments do not defend themselves with chemical or biological weapons. Once
the Soviet Union joined the nuclear club, the U.S. arsenal began to play a
fourth role...<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">4. Complement U.S.
conventional forces, to make them, in the words of former Secretary of Defense
Harold Brown, “meaningful instruments of military and political power.”
Implicit and explicit U.S. nuclear threats were repeatedly used to intimidate
those who might consider intervening militarily to assist those we are
determined to attack.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">5. Deterrence, which
is popularly understood to mean preventing a surprise first strike nuclear
attack against the United States by guaranteeing “mutual assured destruction”
(MAD). Pentagon leaders have testified that this understanding of deterrence
has never been U.S. policy. In contrast, they have defined deterrence as
including function number 2 above, as preventing other nations from taking “courses
of action” that are inimical to U.S. interests. This could include decisions
related to allocation of scarce resources like oil and water, defending access
to markets, or preventing non-nuclear attacks against U.S. allies and clients.
[9]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhOapjaBHYbjRHJNH5TFwZ5tmhyt0DH4HSdP_F69P-LnAO2svxVDnL1DCBg6T0vmoBfM7YtqF1kGRrzZY0-zT79e-L22UoLu7r8cLngrRramfvrx7UGCFSMM4pVj7QEqCJn4o6lKg4ZM4c/s1600/empire+and+the+bomb.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px;"><img border="0" height="312" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhOapjaBHYbjRHJNH5TFwZ5tmhyt0DH4HSdP_F69P-LnAO2svxVDnL1DCBg6T0vmoBfM7YtqF1kGRrzZY0-zT79e-L22UoLu7r8cLngrRramfvrx7UGCFSMM4pVj7QEqCJn4o6lKg4ZM4c/s400/empire+and+the+bomb.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Gerson points out that these five functions did not
necessarily always succeed because history provides many examples of nations
and revolutionary movements that called the bluff. To cite a few examples,
China was “lost” to communism in the late 1940s, the North Vietnamese held out
until the Americans left in 1975, and Cuba, the USSR and Angola resisted
American power in Southern Africa for a quarter century. Yet in other cases,
listed in Gerson’s article, nuclear threats were implicit or explicit in
America’s actions on the world stage, and they advanced the political agenda.
The full spectrum of American military power, ultimately backed up by nuclear
weapons, succeeded in imposing the American military, economic and political
order. The usefulness of nuclear weapons is implicit and clearly understood by
all nations that possess them, and, of course, by those that don’t.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Unfortunately, much of the Western discourse on nuclear
disarmament has lost sight of these reasons that the most powerful nations have
for refusing to give up their arsenals. Long ago in 1986,
Joseph Gerson wrote, “Few disarmament and arms-control activists or
leaders have understood the relationship between the nuclear arms race and the
global ambitions of the U.S. Similarly, efforts to halt and restrain U.S.
intervention in the third world have too often proceeded in ignorance of the
nuclear ramifications of ‘conventional’ conflicts in Asia, the Middle East,
Latin America, or Africa.” [10]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">This misunderstanding seems just as prevalent today.
Many activists think the reason might be bureaucratic inertia, entrenched
financial interests of those who make and work with the bombs, or it might be
that states are just trapped in an absurd game in which making a first strike
is unthinkable but deterring one is essential. Many of the people who write
about disarmament know everything about nuclear arsenals and disarmament
agreements, but they are often somewhat oblivious to the wider
context of international relations or uncritical of
the way global power has been exercised over the last seventy
years.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">The Nuclear Security Summit hosted by US President Obama
(April 2016) illustrated how the disarmament movement itself has been colonized
by the Western consensus and the tropes of mainstream media punditry. Russia
chose not to participate, and Western commentators unanimously chastised Russia
for this absence and its recent “aggressive” behavior in Syria, Crimea and
Ukraine. No effort was made to reflect more deeply on why Russia saw nothing to
gain from participating. Despite America’s long and well-documented record of
flouting international law in numerous CIA-managed coups and regime change
operations, people who are apparently deeply committed to disarmament can now
focus only on Russian aggression. Is this willful neglect or ignorance? If it
is the latter, it requires considerable effort to maintain.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Crimea are ambiguous cases
under international law, but the outrage over these actions seems to stem from
the fact that this time a large power other than the United States, France,
Israel or the UK decided it had vital interests to protect. Russia defended its
actions in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine by pointing to the American meddling in
the internal affairs Ukraine to overthrow an elected head of a sovereign
nation. The 2014 revolution in Ukraine involved nationalist and fascist
elements, and it drove the country into economic chaos, worsening corruption
and ethnic divisions. Russia had genuine concerns about stopping the spread of
the chaos toward Russian minorities in Ukraine, and preventing a flow of
refugees into Russia. Thus, though their actions were legally dubious, their hand
was forced, probably intentionally, by America’s illegal meddling in the Maidan
revolt and overthrow of the head of state without a constitutionally required
impeachment. Thus, if one is going to invoke international law when pointing to
Russia’s reaction, one must note that the Ukrainian government is illegitimate
and there was illegal interference by a foreign power in the Maidan revolt. As
NATO did in Kosovo in 1999, Russia invoked the “right to protect” and it must
be noted that in the end Russia’s actions brought stability. In contrast to the
consequences of the American attempt to overthrow the government of Syria, there
hasn’t been a flow of refugees from Crimea making dangerous sea journeys across
the Black Sea in the hope of getting to Turkey, Bulgaria or Romania then
onward to Western Europe. Nonetheless, the vilification of Russia in Western
media has been out of all proportion. If we really wanted to know where the
present state of international lawlessness came from, there are other places
besides Russia we could look for ultimate causes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">The downside for Russia in its reaction to the Ukraine
crisis was that it suffered illegally imposed economic sanctions, expulsion
from the G8, and branding as a global pariah. There is also speculation that
the decline in world oil prices was a deliberate manipulation to inflict
economic pain on Russia. [11] The timing of the drop was certainly curious.
Western and Saudi oil interests suffered for this as well, but it seems like
there may have been a choice made to pay a sacrifice in order to inflict more
pain on a rival. The Ukraine problem was preceded by the great game being
played for Syria and pipelines through the region, but I’ll leave that topic
aside. [12] These points are made here just to illustrate how absurd it would
be to ignore this intense superpower conflict in discussions of nuclear
disarmament.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">The disarmament movement in the West, however, is showing
signs that it is oblivious to international affairs. It has developed a Western
bias in which it has begun to disregard the views of other nuclear powers,
which means, ironically, that it has lost its impartiality and begun to work
against its own stated purposes. In this isolated bubble of opinion, little consideration
is given to the way nuclear weapons are folded within the deployment of
conventional military and economic power.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Apparently, we should expect Russia and China to
participate in disarmament talks without addressing their concerns about how
their counterpart outspends all other nations on military, maintains a global
empire of military bases, and arbitrarily imposes economic sanctions on other
nations as if it were a law unto itself. The Americans are disingenuously
stumped as to what could possibly be stopping Russia from coming to the table
to discuss arms reductions. A recent editorial by the editor of <i>The
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists</i> had some blistering critiques of the
American plan to spend $1 trillion on nuclear arsenal upgrades that will upset
the balance of power between the US and other nations, but the author couldn’t
help casting blame on Russia for its absence from the Nuclear Security
Summit and recent “bad behavior”:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Deteriorated relations
between the United States and Russia make for a terribly risky world security
situation. As badly as the Russians are behaving in Ukraine and Syria,
Washington simply must continue to reach out. [13]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Yes, it would be such a grand, magnanimous gesture for
innocent and benevolent Washington to turn the other cheek and “reach out.” The
same theme reappeared in another article in <i>The Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists</i> later in the same month. In this one, the author, Fiona
Hill, from the American think tank The Brookings Institution wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin-left: 27.95pt; mso-add-space: auto; mso-para-margin-left: 2.54gd;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Russia has assets it
can use, but its… modernization is still underway. So, in an “asymmetric”
struggle with the United States, Putin and Russia have to be innovative, catch
the West off guard, and fight dirty... Putin makes it clear that Russia will
act on multiple fronts at the same time and do things that Western leaders
would not contemplate–including the threat of crossing the nuclear threshold
and breaking the post-World War II taboo against using a battlefield nuclear
weapon... Putin wants to intimidate Western leaders and their publics, but
his big mission is to get Russia a seat at the table with the West, on Russia’s
terms, which he declares is on “equal” terms with the United States… The
ultimate problem for the United States and the West is how to handle these demands,
at a juncture when Putin has seemed set on bombing his way to that table, with
interventions in Ukraine and Syria, and negotiating terms at gunpoint. Putin’s
behavior is completely unacceptable to Western leaders. But they cannot simply
reject the idea of dealing with Russia in international affairs. There are
common crises that the West and Russia need to solve together, like planning
the future of the Middle East beyond Syria, stopping the proliferation of
nuclear weapons, countering transnational terrorism, adapting to climate
change, and responding to pandemic disease. The best way to ensure that Putin
will act as a spoiler on these and other issues is to try to isolate Russia.
[14]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvu8qGVQ2wNrXGSvPqhsQYHSxdrzcN0M7ReADRei6-5Aye8pq8L2VhwCSzO5vC7q8blUMxkGXnuJoF3hRtwpIqnPUsHtT09flPQsbdFkrOFQMRMcSZ0923YdnuRfS-uuTHsNOWRI4OX6k/s1600/america-encircled.JPG" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvu8qGVQ2wNrXGSvPqhsQYHSxdrzcN0M7ReADRei6-5Aye8pq8L2VhwCSzO5vC7q8blUMxkGXnuJoF3hRtwpIqnPUsHtT09flPQsbdFkrOFQMRMcSZ0923YdnuRfS-uuTHsNOWRI4OX6k/s320/america-encircled.JPG" width="320" /></a></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Fiona Hill seems to be unfamiliar with the history
described above in <i>Empire and Nuclear Weapons</i>. All states that
possess nuclear weapons have used them to implicitly or explicitly threaten to
break taboos. Putin is not the first to cross this line. To possess nuclear
weapons is to threaten to use them, and opponents have no way to know for
sure if any taboos or thresholds exist. Fiona Hill seems to possess a
crystal ball that sees into Putin’s mind, which allows her know with certainty
that Russia “will do things that Western leaders would not contemplate.” She
doesn’t say <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">might</i> or <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">may</i> or <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">could</i>. She knows somehow. Unlike the supposedly benevolent
governments of other nations, Russia is described as “fighting dirty,”
“intimidating,” and “threatening to cross the nuclear threshold,” as if
these actions are not standard strategy for all nuclear
powers. Furthermore, she states, with utmost obliviousness to
the hypocrisy of the accusation coming from an American, that Russia
has been “bombing their way to the table” and “negotiating terms at gunpoint.” She also
seems to scoff at the idea that Russia or any other nation should expect to be
treated on equal terms because it is just assumed that the global
order has a hierarchy in which America is supreme.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">This sort of commentary is standard and
unsurprising in sources such as the Brookings Institution, but it is
appalling to see it in a journal dedicated to international dialog and the goal
of eliminating nuclear weapons. Has <i>The Bulletin</i> become just
another Washington think tank and mouthpiece for the State Department? If
the discourse of the disarmament movement is to be based
on willful ignorance of history and international relations, we are
entering a period when there will be multiple nation-based disarmament
movements functioning as national echo chamber propaganda tools that cancel
each other out in their pursuit of global dialog and cooperation.
Disarmament activists have to start asking questions about the sources of
funding and support that have gained influence over groups that were once
believed to be neutral and above national biases.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-char-indent-count: 2.36; text-indent: 28.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Another flaw in the disarmament discourse is
that there is a false understanding that nuclear deterrence is just
an infrastructure, a financial interest, or a bureaucratic remnant of a bygone
era, no longer relevant to the present era. On the contrary, nuclear deterrence
needs to be understood for what it really is. Nuclear weapons are not useless.
They are still the ultimate tool, among many, for influencing the behavior of
adversaries and allies. They still confer the status of major power. The word <i>deterrence</i> actually conceals what is really going
on: <i>dissuasion, persuasion, environmental contamination, nuclear energy
proliferation, private profit, threats, intimidation</i> and <i>terror</i>,
but as long as these wider meanings are not addressed, nothing will be done
to <i>deter</i> or <i>dissuade</i> nuclear powers from
wanting to retain their status as “first rate” powers in world politics. The
allure of possessing <i>la frappe</i> has remained unchanged since
those words spoken by the British task force commander in 1957. The prospect of
being “right out of world politics” is not to be tolerated for a
moment. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-outline-level: 1;">
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-outline-level: 1;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">A
partial list of nuclear blackmail, from:</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="mso-outline-level: 1;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Joseph
Gerson, “</span></b><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.commondreams.org/views/2007/12/05/empire-and-nuclear-weapons"><b>Empire
and Nuclear Weapons</b></a><b><span style="color: black;">,” <i>Commondreams</i>,
December 5, 2007.</span></b><span style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<br />
<table border="1" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: none; margin-left: 2.25pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-padding-alt: 0mm 5.4pt 0mm 5.4pt; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;">
<tbody>
<tr style="mso-yfti-firstrow: yes; mso-yfti-irow: 0;">
<td style="border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1946</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-left: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Truman threatens Soviets regarding
Northern Iran.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 1;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1946</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Truman sends SAC bombers to
intimidate Yugoslavia following the downing of U.S. aircraft over Yugoslavia.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 2;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1948</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Truman threatens Soviets in response
to Berlin blockade.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 3;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1950</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Truman threatens Chinese when U.S.
Marines were surrounded at Chosin Reservoir in Korea.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 4;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1951</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Truman approves military request to
attack Manchuria with nuclear weapons if significant numbers of new Chinese
forces join the war.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 5;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1953</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Eisenhower threatens China to force
an end to Korean War on terms acceptable to the United States.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 6;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1954</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Eisenhower’s Secretary of State
Dulles offers French three tactical nuclear weapons to break the siege at
Dienbienphu, Vietnam. Supported by Nixon’s public trial balloons.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 7;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1954</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Eisenhower used nuclear armed SAC
bombers to reinforce CIA-backed coup in Guatemala.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 8;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1956</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Bulganin threatens London and Paris
with nuclear attacks, demanding withdrawal following their invasion of Egypt.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 9;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1956</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Eisenhower counters by threatening
the U.S.S.R. while also demanding British and French retreat from Egypt.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 10;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1958</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Eisenhower orders Joint Chiefs of
Staff to prepare to use nuclear weapons against Iraq, if necessary to prevent
extension of revolution into Kuwait.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 11;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1958</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Eisenhower orders Joint Chiefs of
Staff to prepare to use nuclear weapons against China if they invade the
island of Quemoy.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 12;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1961</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Kennedy threatens Soviets during
Berlin Crisis.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 13;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1962</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Cuban Missile Crisis.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 14;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1967</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Johnson threatens Soviets during
Middle East War.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 15;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1967</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Johnson’s public threats against
Vietnam are linked to possible use of nuclear weapons to break siege at Khe
Shan.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 16;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1969</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Brezhnev threatens China during
border war.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 17;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1969</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Nixon’s “November Ultimatum” against
Vietnam.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 18;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1970</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Nixon signals U.S. preparations to
fight nuclear war during Black September War in Jordan.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 19;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1973</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Israeli Government threatens use of
nuclear weapons during the “October War.”<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 20;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1973</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Kissinger threatens Soviet Union
during the last hours of the “October War” in the Middle East.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 21;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1973</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Nixon pledges to South Vietnamese
President Thieu that he will respond with nuclear attacks or the bombing of
North Vietnam’s dikes if it violated the provisions of the Paris Peace
Accords.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 22;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1975</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Sec. of Defense Schlesinger threatens
North Korea with nuclear retaliation should it attack South Korea in the wake
of the U.S. defeat in Vietnam.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 23;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1980</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Carter Doctrine announced.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 24;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1981</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Reagan reaffirms the Carter Doctrine.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 25;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1982</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">British Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher threatens to eliminate Buenos Aires during the Falklands War.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 26;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1990</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Pakistan threatens India during
confrontation over Kashmir.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 27;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1990-91</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Bush threatens Iraq during the “Gulf
War.”<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 28;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1993</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Clinton threatens North Korea.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 29;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1994</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Clinton’s confrontation with North
Korea.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 30;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1996</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">China threatens “Los Angeles” during
confrontation over Taiwan. Clinton responds by sending two nuclear-capable
aircraft carrier fleets through the Taiwan Strait.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 31;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1996</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Clinton threatens Libya with nuclear
attack to prevent completion of underground chemical weapons production
complex.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 32;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1998</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Clinton threatens Iraq with nuclear
attack.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 33;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">1999</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">India and Pakistan threaten and
prepare nuclear threats during the Kargil War.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 34;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">2001</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">U.S. forces placed on a DEFCON alert
in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 35;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">2001</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld refuses
to rule out using tactical nuclear weapons against Afghan caves possibly
sheltering Osama Bin Laden.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 36;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">2002</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">Bush communicates an implied threat
to counter any Iraqi use of chemical weapons to defend Iraqi troops with
chemical or biological weapons with a U.S. nuclear attack.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 37;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt dotted windowtext; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">2006</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt dotted windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">French Prime Minister Chirac
threatens first strike nuclear attacks against nations that practice
terrorism against France.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 38; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: 1pt solid windowtext; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 52.1pt;" valign="top" width="52">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">2006 & <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">2007</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: 1pt solid windowtext; border-left: none; border-right: 1pt solid windowtext; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: dotted windowtext .5pt; padding: 0mm 5.4pt; width: 396.45pt;" valign="top" width="396">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">“All options are on the table”: U.S.
threats to destroy Iran’s nuclear infrastructure made by President Bush
and presidential candidate Senator Hillary Clinton.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
</td>
</tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<b style="font-size: 11pt;"><span lang="EN-CA" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12pt;">Notes</span></b><br />
<span lang="EN-US"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-US">[1] Max Bergmann, “</span><span lang="EN-US">Colin Powell: ‘Nuclear Weapons Are Useless,’”<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<i><span lang="EN-US">ThinkProgress</span></i><span lang="EN-US">, January 27, 2010, </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://thinkprogress.org/security/2010/01/27/175869/colin-powell-nuclear-weapons-are-useless/">http://thinkprogress.org/security/2010/01/27/175869/colin-powell-nuclear-weapons-are-useless/</a> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[2] Ross Wilson (director) Paul
Murricane (producer), </span><i><span lang="EN-US">Dispatches: The Truth of
Christmas Island</span></i><span lang="EN-US">, 12:48~ Scottish
Television Productions, 1991 <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wc3_GRMHdlU">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wc3_GRMHdlU</a> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[3] Dilip Hiro, “</span><span lang="EN-US">The Most Dangerous Place on Earth: A Nuclear Armageddon in the
Making in South Asia,” <i>TomDispatch.com</i>, April 3, 2016, <a href="http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/176123/tomgram%3A_dilip_hiro,_flashpoint_for_the_planet/">http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/176123/tomgram%3A_dilip_hiro,_flashpoint_for_the_planet/</a> </span><span lang="FR">.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="FR">[4] </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.canalplus.fr/c-emissions/le-petit-journal/pid6515-le-petit-journal.html?vid=1365601"><i><span lang="FR">Le Petit Journal</span></i></a></span><span lang="FR">, February 23, 2016, </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.canalplus.fr/c-emissions/le-petit-journal/pid6515-le-petit-journal.html?vid=1365601"><span lang="FR">http://www.canalplus.fr/c-emissions/le-petit-journal/pid6515-le-petit-journal.html?vid=1365601</span></a></span><span lang="FR"> </span><span lang="FR">.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="FR">[5] “</span><span lang="FR">La dissuasion c’est moi dit l’inconnu de
province,” <i>Initiatives pour le Désarmement
Nucléaire</i>, March 23, 2016, </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.idn-france.org/2016/03/la-dissuasion-cest-moi-dit-linconnu-de-province/"><span lang="FR">http://www.idn-france.org/2016/03/la-dissuasion-cest-moi-dit-linconnu-de-province/</span></a></span><span lang="FR"> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="FR">[6] <i>Initiatives
pour le Désarmement Nucléaire</i>.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[7] “</span><span lang="EN-US">North
Korea to ‘normalize relations with hostile states,’ won’t launch nuke strike
first – Kim,” <i>Russia Today</i>, May 6, 2016, <a href="https://www.rt.com/news/342236-north-korea-normalize-relations-nukes/">https://www.rt.com/news/342236-north-korea-normalize-relations-nukes/</a> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[8] William M. Arkin, “</span><span lang="EN-US">Secret Plan Outlines the Unthinkable,” <i>Los
Angeles Times</i>, March 10, 2002. <a href="http://articles.latimes.com/2002/mar/10/opinion/op-arkin">http://articles.latimes.com/2002/mar/10/opinion/op-arkin</a> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[9] Joseph Gerson, “</span><span lang="EN-US">Empire and Nuclear Weapons,” <i>Commondreams</i>,
December 5, 2007, <a href="http://www.commondreams.org/views/2007/12/05/empire-and-nuclear-weapons">http://www.commondreams.org/views/2007/12/05/empire-and-nuclear-weapons</a> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[10] Joseph Gerson, “<i>What is a
Deadly Connection?” The Deadly Connection: Nuclear War and U.S. Intervention</i>,
ed. Joseph Gerson, (Philadelphia, New Society Publishers, 1986) p.9. Cited in
John Steinbach, “</span><span lang="EN-US">The Bush Administration, U.S. Nuclear
War-Fighting Policy & the War On Iraq,” <i>Counterpunch</i>,
May 13, 2016, <a href="http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/05/13/the-bush-administration-u-s-nuclear-war-fighting-policy-the-war-on-iraq/">http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/05/13/the-bush-administration-u-s-nuclear-war-fighting-policy-the-war-on-iraq/</a> . (Although the article was published in May
2016, it does not refer to any events since the first term of
G.W. Bush. It is an updated version of a talk given by John Steinbach at
the Berkeley Unitarian Fellowship in 2003.)<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[11] Eric Draister, “</span><span lang="EN-US">BRICS Under Attack: Western Banks, Governments Launch Full-Spectrum
Assault On Russia (Part I),” <i>Mint Press News</i>,
April 20, 2016, <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://www.mintpressnews.com/brics-attack-western-banks-governments-launch-full-spectrum-assault-russia-part/215761/">http://www.mintpressnews.com/brics-attack-western-banks-governments-launch-full-spectrum-assault-russia-part/215761/</a> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[12] For an in-depth discussion of the
roots causes of the Syria conflict and the renewed Cold War, see Robert F.
Kennedy Jr., “</span><span lang="EN-US">Why the Arabs don’t want us in Syria,” <i>Politico</i>, February 23, 2016, <a href="http://www.politico.eu/article/why-the-arabs-dont-want-us-in-syria-mideast-conflict-oil-intervention/">http://www.politico.eu/article/why-the-arabs-dont-want-us-in-syria-mideast-conflict-oil-intervention/</a><span class="MsoHyperlink"> </span> .<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<br />
<span lang="EN-US">[13] Rachel Bronson, “‘</span><span lang="EN-US">Command and Control,’ terrifying soon at a theater near you,” <i>The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists</i>, April 3,
2016, <a href="http://thebulletin.org/command-and-control-terrifying-soon-theater-near-you9302">http://thebulletin.org/command-and-control-terrifying-soon-theater-near-you9302</a> .</span><div><br />
<!--EndFragment--><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">[14] Fiona Hill, “</span><span lang="EN-US">Putin: The one-man show the West doesn’t understand<span style="color: black;">,” <i>The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists</i>, April 13,
2016. </span><a href="http://tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00963402.2016.1170361?platform=hootsuite&">http://tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00963402.2016.1170361?platform=hootsuite&</a><span style="color: black;"> .</span></span><br />
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
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</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-62264331912584339272016-04-17T22:22:00.004+09:002016-04-18T10:01:26.555+09:00Chernobyl, the Endless Cloud<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<a href="http://www.slate.fr/story/116719/tchernobyl-nuage-bd-autorites-menti-sciemment"><b><i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Chernobyl, the Endless Cloud</span></i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">,
the Graphic Novel that Accuses French Authorities of Having Knowingly Lied to
the People</span></b></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">by Lucile Berland, </span><a href="http://www.slate.fr/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Slate.fr</span></a></b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><b> April 14, 2016</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">A translation of:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<i><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><a href="http://www.slate.fr/story/116719/tchernobyl-nuage-bd-autorites-menti-sciemment"><b>«Tchernobyl,
le nuage sans fin», la BD qui accuse les autorités d’avoir sciemment menti aux
Français</b></a><o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The French Association of
Thyroid Disease Sufferers (<i>L’Association
française des malades de la thyroïde</i>, AFMT) has published a graphic novel
based on the trial records of the case it brought against the French state. The
storyboard tells how the government minimized the consequences of Chernobyl on
the national territory, with a disregard for the health of citizens.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjb389VJ1-1X4KFf7CiGmgkinNAtIMS1Y1FTzkF004xD2CvXbh2Q0Xue5mBjK8pwqIR71_pQHg-FVrDKmA1fsTN-SGbyDrGaIOzOW7EPtpUfci_t0qN-jaAY8zBpdOZCIAxbQqzEjqZ-D0/s1600/tchernobyl-bd.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="182" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjb389VJ1-1X4KFf7CiGmgkinNAtIMS1Y1FTzkF004xD2CvXbh2Q0Xue5mBjK8pwqIR71_pQHg-FVrDKmA1fsTN-SGbyDrGaIOzOW7EPtpUfci_t0qN-jaAY8zBpdOZCIAxbQqzEjqZ-D0/s400/tchernobyl-bd.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The battle lasted ten years.
In March 2001, the AFMT, the Commission for Independent Research and
Information on Radioactivity (CriiRAD), and fifty-one patients with thyroid
disease filed a criminal complaint against “X” for involuntary injury (<i>coups et blessures involontaires</i>). They
blame the state for having minimized the impact on French territory of the
radioactive fallout from the explosion at the Chernobyl power plant on April 26th,
1986, and they also blame it for having taken no precautionary measures. On
September 7th, 2011, the Paris Court of Appeal pronounced a “general dismissal”
(<i>un non-lieu général</i>), which was
confirmed by the Supreme Court in November 2012. Professor Pellerin, the head
of the Central Agency for Protection from Ionizing Radiation (<i>Service central de protection contre les
rayonnements ionisants</i>, SCPRI) at the time had his name definitively cleared,
at the age of 87. The next year, a last recourse was rejected at the European
Court of Human Rights (ECHR).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">André Couzet, an active
member of the AFMT for thirteen years, asked, “After that, what was left for
us? Our frustration and several dozen boxes of documents. In the court records,
we found information that shows unambiguously the role played by French
authorities. We thought a graphic novel would be an original way to make people
understand what really happened.” He hopes also that the work will help the
sufferers to “mourn” their status as victims, which was never previously
recognized. “Many people find it absurd that the nation was told that the
Chernobyl cloud stopped at the French border… but few people know what really
came down and what effect it had on the health of French people.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The graphic novel entitled <i>Chernobyl, the Endless Cloud</i>, will be
officially released on April 23, 2016. It covers close to 900 files in the
court record. It required the work of ten people over a year, primarily members
of the AFMT organization (Chantal L’Hoir, the founder, Marc Saint Aroman and André
Crozet). The work was supported by financial help from <i>Réseau Sortir du Nucléaire</i> and 300 donors who provided 24,000 Euros
in a crowdfunding drive.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Along with the graphic novel
there is a website, </span><a href="http://www.nuagesansfin.info/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">www.nuagesansfin.info</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">
that will provide dozens of files from the trial. This will allow readers to
have access to the sources. The sixty-four pages of illustrations were based on
the most striking of the files. One can discover, for example, the sales trend
for Levothyrox in pharmacies since the start of the 1980s—a document from the
laboratories of pharmaceutical companies that was very hard to obtain. “Sales
of this drug just took off after 1986,” says judge Bertell-Geffroy, “to the
point where today one French person out of eight or ten needs thyroid hormone
therapy.” A few pages later, a page compares two maps of France: the “official”
one distributed in the 1990s by the the authorities showing “no notable
contamination,” and the other one made by citizens during the same period. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Rather than being
fantastical allegations, these measurements conform with more recent assessments
which constitute a sort of admission on the part of the <i>Institut de radioprotection et de sûreté nucléaire</i> (IRSN, formerly
the SCPRI). In 2005, the IRSN published a new map showing levels of cesium 137
up to 1,000 times higher, in the same places, than was admitted twenty years
earlier. Chantal L’Hoir, founder of the AFMT, says, “This file exists due to
the determined efforts of judge Bertella-Geffroy.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Marc Saint-Aman, a volunteer
for the AFMT and administrator for <i>Réseau
Sortir du Nucléaire</i>, adds, “The court record is full of documents like
this.” For over a year he sorted through thousands of pages in the record to
select the ones which would be put on the internet site </span><a href="http://www.nuagesansfin.info/"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">www.nuagesansfin.info</span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZ9api2gJYCoX91FLrpYATDJFVH0qdF0tYaLamRO6eNOGQvdefTanraQq_E8mFUVekn-d6ykeAJd87nNo5y0Hoa_9VM8p-_BmvA-DniagSUK0pS6xoAh82M4hcR8TrFWMdtMKRL9LiKrg/s1600/tchernobyl-page60.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZ9api2gJYCoX91FLrpYATDJFVH0qdF0tYaLamRO6eNOGQvdefTanraQq_E8mFUVekn-d6ykeAJd87nNo5y0Hoa_9VM8p-_BmvA-DniagSUK0pS6xoAh82M4hcR8TrFWMdtMKRL9LiKrg/s400/tchernobyl-page60.jpg" width="327" /></a></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Motive
for the Crime<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">According to the authors, in
the spring of 1986, the state committed at best mistakes, at worst, denial.
Professor Pellerin declared on television, two days after the catastrophe, that
it “presented no threat to public health, … except perhaps in the immediate
vicinity of the power plant, and still it is especially only inside the plant
where the Russians have admitted that people were injured.” A few days later,
on May 6th, the Minister of Agriculture, François Guillaume, confirmed, “The
French territory, because it is so far away, was totally spared from the
successive fallout of radionuclides coming from the power plant in Chernobyl.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The episode of the spinach contaminated
with 2,600 Bq/kg is instructive. The prefect of Haut-Rhin, Madhi Hacène, wanted
to ban the distribution of spinach. Marc Saint-Aroman, a member of AFMT, said, “Ten
days later, Charles Pasqua, then Minister of the Interior, reacted by saying no
change in eating habits was required. He added that there was no need to follow
the recommendations that the WHO announced on May </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">6th, and thus
products were clear for export.” Alain Madelin, then Minister of Industry, also
stressed that there was no health risk from the passing clouds:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“I already had the occasion
to say that we could start to worry and go to the doctor, if by chance we found—but
we haven’t found—in the products shipped three tons of irradiated spinach and
we had the intention to not wash them and then ingest them in the coming days.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">While countries neighboring
France began dumping irradiated products (meat, milk, vegetables), France did
not protect its own citizens and it continued to export, putting neighboring
populations equally at risk. The book explains that on May 10th, the European
Commission suspended imports of meat of cattle and pork from the USSR and
neighboring countries. These were simple preventive measures that would be
applied throughout Europe, except in France where only one order was given: do
nothing. Even in the USSR, a civil defense colonel sounded the alarm:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Inhabitants have absorbed
in one day fifty times the amount of radiation permitted in one year for
nuclear workers. At this rate, a fatal dose would be reached in four days.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The graphic novel does
historical research to uncover why France acted against the grain. Marc
Saint-Aroman explains ironically, “What must be understood is that in 1986
there were more than fifteen reactors still under construction in France. So
this is the motive for the crime. Thirty years later, France is in second place
in electricity generated by nuclear, behind the United States. France produces
half of the gigawatts on the European continent. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Zone
of No Rights<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In spite of the evidence,
the legal case went nowhere. Everyone has an explanation:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“We have to understand that
under the law, one is obliged to prove a link between damage (such as thyroid
cancer) and that which caused it. If the judge cannot establish a causal link
that is direct and certain, it’s a case of ‘move along, nothing to see here.’”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">At the office of Benoît
Busson, lawyer for <i>Réseau Sortir du
nucléaire, </i>it is understood that this type of case is difficult to deal
with in the justice system. “The acts of hiding data, misinforming or
underestimating are not in themselves crimes. They are better understood as political
mistakes or mistakes liable to civil action. The people who had thyroid
diseases could have launched a civil trial and seen better results, but first
they would have had to pay for experts, which is extremely costly. Second, such
trials face many delays and take up to ten years to take account of all the
evidence.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The judge (<i>juge d’instruction</i>) Bertella-Geffroy
knew all these constraints. Aware that it would be extremely difficult to
establish a causal link between the passage of the cloud and the rise in
thyroid pathologies, she bet on a charge of “aggravated deception” more than “injury.”
Yet after multiple warrants sent to the Ministry of Health, the Interior, and Agriculture,
and to the national weather agency, all the confidential documents gathered
were not sufficient to establish a solid case. The precautionary principle was
obvious by its absence in the case. She declares regretfully, “Health has no
value in the economy.” And, actually, neither does justice have a value in the
economy. The judge was abruptly taken off the case fifteen days before the
closed-door session which led finally to a dismissal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">For Michèle Rivasi, Green
Party representative in the European Parliament since 2009, the influence of
the nuclear lobby is still very powerful today. The “lies of state”
post-Chernobyl, denounced by the AFMT, could be told again if a nuclear
catastrophe happened in France. She says regretfully, “Still today in the
nuclear industry decisions are not made in the ministries or by commissions,
but directly at the executive level. Nuclear is a domain unto itself,
undemocratic, a sort of zone where there are no rights.**<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The title <i>Chernobyl, the Endless Cloud</i> designates
a fog that still lingers over this entire affair, thirty years later. It also
refers to the millennial time span of the radiation that escaped from the
nuclear power plant on April 26th, 1986. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Translator’s
Notes<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">*<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In France a <i><a href="http://global.britannica.com/topic/juge-dinstruction">juge d’instruction</a></i>
is responsible for conducting the investigative hearing that precedes a
criminal trial. In order for the judge to recommend a criminal trial, he or she
must find not just probable cause (as in an American grand jury trial) but
sufficient evidence of guilt to warrant a criminal trial.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">**<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Ms.
Rivasi’s comments apply equally well to any nation that possesses nuclear
weapons or power plants.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-85788899592227267.post-33557480800287958262016-04-05T21:38:00.000+09:002016-09-10T14:24:14.900+09:00The Silos of the Nuclear Disarmament Movement<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
abolition of nuclear weapons might be the most elusive goal in the world, but it
is the one which most easily gains approval across ideological and national
divides. It is such laudable goal to support that it attracts those who seek
refuge from the more divisive and dirty struggles of the world that are the
root causes of the problem. People might disagree about the means to achieve nuclear
disarmament, but everyone applauds everyone for saying nuclear arms should be
eliminated. Even Henry Kissinger signed on to the Global Zero project. It’s the
easiest way in the world to polish one’s humanitarian credentials.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This
aspect of nuclear disarmament can be seen in the story told by the songwriter Pete
Townshend about how he and his bandmates in The Who were at a loss for things
to write about for their final album, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">It’s
Hard</i> (1982). He had always tried to write socially relevant music, but he
carried no labels, no banner for hippies or progressives. The Who were wealthy
rock musicians, and they didn’t seem to feel any need to apologize for being
rich. Famous for smashing his guitar on stage, the apparent revolutionary Pete
Townshend was also famous for writing rock’s greatest anti-revolution song, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">We Won’t Get Fooled Again</i> (meet the new
boss, same as the old boss). In 1981, after surviving the 1960s and 70s, and after
coming out of a deep personal crisis and a near break-up of the band, Townshend
asked them:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What
do you want to sing about? Tell me, and I'll write the songs. Do you want to
sing about race riots? Do you want to sing about the nuclear bomb? Do you want
to sing about soya bean diets? Tell me!' And everyone kind of went, 'Uhhh.' So
I said, 'Shall I tell you what I think we should be singing about?' So I told
them. And it actually turned into a debate...what was it that each one of us
shared, our common ground? Well, after establishing quite quickly that there
was very little common ground, we did find that we all cared very deeply about
the planet, the people on it, about the threat to our children from nuclear
war, of the increasing instability of our own country's politics. [1]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This anecdote
exemplifies how nuclear disarmament is the last refuge (of scoundrels such as Henry Kissinger sometimes, now a signatory of Global Zero),
the issue everyone turns to when there is nothing else they can agree on,
nothing else they can stomach fighting for. And this is exactly why the abolition
movement constantly fails to achieve anything. Barbie said it about math, and
The Who said it in their last album: It’s hard. The road to nuclear disarmament
goes through all those sticky, intractable social and political problems that
anti-nuclear activists thought they could put aside while they devoted
themselves to the highest goal of all. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This fact
was more obvious at the dawn of the nuclear age when WWII was recent enough to help
everyone maintain the proper perspective. Another world war fought only with conventional
weapons could also be enough to finish off civilization. Nuclear weapons were
only a by-product of the underlying problem. In 1955, Albert Einstein and
Bertrand Russell released their famous 1955 statement calling for the
elimination of nuclear weapons, but it actually placed more emphasis on the
abolition of war. They stated, "Although an agreement to renounce nuclear
weapons as part of a general reduction of armaments would not afford an
ultimate solution, it would serve certain important purposes." Later, in a
footnote, they called for a "concomitant balanced reduction of all
armaments." [2]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It seems
that even the leadership in disarmament organizations have, ironically, now constructed
silos for themselves within which they study disarmament in isolation from the
underlying problems of inequality, ecological degradation, the abuse of the
United Nations and international law and, especially, the deployment of
conventional military power. This at least seems to be the case in what is
written in English by some disarmament groups and think tanks in the US and the
UK, by writers who are deeply influenced by life inside the bubble of Western groupthink
on international relations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">This bias
was on full display this week in an article by Rachel Bronson, executive director
and publisher of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The</i> <i>Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists </i><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">in which
she condemned Russia for having boycotted the recent Nuclear Security Summit</span>:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Deteriorated
relations between the United States and Russia make for a terribly risky world
security situation. As badly as the Russians are behaving in Ukraine and Syria,
Washington simply must continue to reach out. “We have an existential stake in
each other’s competency,” stated Nunn, and he’s right. The two countries with
the most nuclear weapons under their control need to engage—for their sake, and
for the world's. Examined in this light, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s
decision to boycott the Nuclear Security Summit is more than inconvenient; it
was a diplomatic travesty and an abdication of responsibility to his own
people. [3]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">One might have thought that people who work on nuclear disarmament are
experts in peace studies and conflict resolution, always going the extra mile to
understand the context, psychology and feelings of everyone involved in the
problem, but in this quotation we see a stunning display of willful ignorance
of the Russian point of view. There is also the moral judgment that the
Russians have behaved badly in Ukraine and Syria, implying, laughably, that
America and its accomplices have behaved well in those places. No effort is
made to find out why the Russians boycotted the summit, even though the Russian
frustration with the West has been fully explained by various Russian
government representatives, Russian media, and even, most thoroughly, by
American historian Stephen F. Cohen [4]. In this American perspective in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Bulletin</i>, there is no
self-criticism, and no awareness that the Russians might feel they have
justified reasons for not attending. In this view, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">they</i> are behaving badly, but <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">we</i>
are inherently good, so we must take the high road and bear with those who sin
against us, “we must continue to reach out,” but it is an eternal mystery to us
that they fail to see our beneficence.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">By this point it has been well-established that the 2014 coup in Ukraine
was instigated by the US State department and that the results have been a
disaster. It was a continuation of the broken American promise made to
Gorbachev to not expand NATO eastward, a desperate attempt to open up a market
for Western goods and weaponry in a nation that is historically, culturally,
linguistically and geographically connected to Russia. It was a bridge too far for the expansion of Western power, as <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Russia pushed back and the coup failed to deliver on its promises. Now Ukraine has a lo<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ad of IMF debt and an austerity package that forces the sellof<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">f of national assets. Meanwhile, the natural trade ties with Russia have been severed</span></span></span>.
Lawrence Wilkerson (national security adviser to the Reagan administration, chief
of staff to Colin Powell during the Bush administration), said of the debacle, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">…about a third, 20% I’ll say, to 30 percent of Russia’s
heavy armaments industry is in Ukraine. What do they do for tanks? What do they
do for their heavy armaments in their military if Ukraine goes? The idea that
we could do something in Ukraine, covert or otherwise, and have Putin not
respond is just laughable. [5]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Americans can debate whether Russia acted outside of international law to
provide assistance to ethnic Russians in Eastern Ukraine, thereby averting a
prolonged, bloody civil war, or again when they conducted a referendum in
Crimea, averting a civil war there as well, but the world doesn’t have much
patience left to be lectured in international law by the United States. America
declared itself above international law at the start of the Cold War, and has
abused it numerous times since then. The suggestion that it was the Russians
who “behaved badly” in Syria is just laughable at this point, as America’s
record of disastrous and illegal regime change operations in the Middle East is
so well documented by this time. [6]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">The main impediment to nuclear arms reduction has nothing to do with
nuclear arms. Former president of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, spoke of how
Russia and all other nations see the problem when he asked plainly, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: 14.2pt;">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Can we really imagine a
world without nuclear weapons if a single country amasses so many conventional
weapons that its military budget nearly tops that of all other countries
combined? Demilitarization should be put back on the agenda of international
politics. This includes a reduction of military budgets, a moratorium on the
development of new types of weapons and a prohibition on militarizing space. Many
are already talking about a new cold war. Talks between both powers over
important global problems have practically been put on ice. That includes the
question of nuclear disarmament. Trust, the very capital we worked so hard to
build, has been destroyed. [7]</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Gorbachev mentioned here precisely three items
that Americans did not want on the agenda of the Nuclear Security Summit: the reduction
of military budgets, a moratorium on the development of new types of weapons,
and a prohibition on militarizing space. Instead, the summit was mostly
concerned with the sham of “securing” (always a relative term) nuclear
materials and decreasing the chances of a terrorist attack on nuclear
facilities. So if the Americans don’t want to talk about these things, why
should the Russians, or anyone else, show up to lend legitimacy to process
which consciously avoids these critical issues? Russia has been trying to get
the Americans to stop militarizing space since the Reagan years, but still
America persists. So Russia did the right thing by sitting this one out because
doing so creates an opportunity for other nations to question the status quo
and create a new one for a future security summit, hopefully one at which the
agenda will not be set by the self-proclaimed “indispensable” nation in the
whole process.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">The really interesting question, however, is
to ask why all this needs to be explained to the </span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">executive director and publisher of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The</i> <i>Bulletin of Atomic Scientists</i><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">. I’m not
suggesting that America is entirely responsible for the lack of progress in
nuclear disarmament, but it is disheartening to see that an institution as well
respected as <i>The Bulletin</i> has become so blind to critical views of the exercise
of American power, and such a dupe for the anti-Russia propaganda that has
circulated in the Western media for the last ten years. When nuclear
disarmament groups become concealed platforms for nationalist agendas, they are
part of the problem, not the solution.</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Notes</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[1] <a href="http://www.thewho.net/?q=discography/albums/ItsHard.html">The Hypertext
Who: It's Hard</a>. See the appendix below for a discussion of song on the
album about the nuclear arms race.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[2] "<a href="http://pugwash.org/1955/07/09/statement-manifesto/">The Russell Einstein
Manifesto</a>," <i>Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs</i>,
July 9, 1955,.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[3] Rachel Bronson, "'<a href="http://thebulletin.org/command-and-control-terrifying-soon-theater-near-you9302">Command and Control,' terrifying soon at a theater near you</a>,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists</i>, April 3, 2016</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[4] Patrick L. Smith, "<a href="http://www.salon.com/2015/04/16/the_new_york_times_basically_rewrites_whatever_the_kiev_authorities_say_stephen_f_cohen_on_the_u_s_russiaukraine_history_the_media_wont_tell_you/">Stephen F. Cohen on the U.S./Russia/Ukraine history the media won’t tell you</a>," <span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>S</i><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><i>alon.com</i>, April 17,</span></span> 201<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">5</span>.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[5] ‘<a href="http://mediaroots.org/this-ship-is-sinking-says-former-bush-official/">This
Ship is Sinking’ Says Former Bush Official</a>, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Media Roots</i>, December 16, 2015.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">[6] <a href="http://mediaroots.org/unraveling-the-syria-war-chessboard/">Unraveling
the Syria War Chessboard with Vijay Prashad</a>, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Media Roots</i>, February 2, 2016. This interview provides an expert’s
analysis of the Syrian conflict.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">[7] “<a href="https://www.rt.com/news/311796-gorbachev-nuclear-free-world/"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Gorbachev calls US military might ‘insurmountable
obstacle to a nuclear-free world</span></a>,’” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Russia Today</i></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, August 6,
2015.</span>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Appendix: When The Who sang about the
clock of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists</i> </span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.thewho.net/?q=discography/songs/WhyDidIFallForThat.html">Liner
notes from It’s Hard for the song <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Why did
I fall for that?</i></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Pete
Townshend: "I don't know how it is over in the States, but over here if
you try to get in a conversation about arms buildup or nuclear weapons, people
turn away and order another pint of Guinness, and they want to talk about
bloody <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Arsenal</i>! [the football club] They're
going to be dead tomorrow if they don't start thinking about it... but they're
embarrassed; 'It's annoying...oh, don't talk about that! We're impotent, we're
neutered.' Now that is what's happened to rock 'n' roll."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The line
"Four minutes to midnight on a sunny day" refers to the Clock on the
front cover of <i>The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists</i>. Much
publicized in the early 1980's, this clock represented by minutes to midnight
how close the scientists felt the world was to nuclear war. In January 1981 the
worsening political situation led them to move the hands to four minutes to
midnight. The Clash made a similar reference to the Clock on their song <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Call Up</i> from <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Sandinista!</span></i><b> </b>("It's
55 minutes past 11"). Pete on the line "It never rains under my
umbrella": "we've just sat back under the nuclear umbrella and lived
our lives, taken our drugs, listened to our blues. I don't want to sound like
fucking <i>Pravda</i> or anything, but we have been a pretty
impotent, unthinking [generation]."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Six months
after the release of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">It's Hard</span></i>, President Reagan would
announce the SDI initiative, popularly known as "star wars"; an
attempt to build a nuclear missile defense system Reagan characterized as an
"umbrella" against nuclear attack.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2jFCUp-d9Xk">Why did I fall for that?</a></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">by The Who
(album: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">It’s Hard</i>, 1982)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The
streets of the future littered with remains<br />
Of both the fools and all the so-called brains<br />
The whole prediction is enough to kill<br />
But only God knows if it won't or it will<br />
Nobody knows why we fell so flat<br />
Some silly creature said we'd never crack<br />
Most would just survive and then bounce back<br />
But the rest are crying "Why'd I fall for that crap?"<br />
Why did I fall for that?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">So many
rash promises sincerely made<br />
By people who believed that we were being saved<br />
They made us all believe that we were acting white<br />
But the truth is we've forgotten how we used to fight<br />
Nobody knows why we fell so flat<br />
We're impotent and neutered like whining cats<br />
We've found the piper but we've lost the rats<br />
But the kids are crying "Why'd I fall for that, dad?"<br />
Why did you fall?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It never
rains under my umbrella</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Four
minutes to midnight on a sunny day<br />
Maybe if we smile the clock'll fade away<br />
Maybe we can force the hands to just reverse<br />
Maybe is a word, maybe maybe is a curse<br />
Nobody knows why we fell so flat<br />
We've never been taught to fight or to face up to facts<br />
We simply believe that we'd remain intact<br />
But history is asking why did you fall for that?<br />
Why did you fall?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Why did I
fall for that?<br />
Why did I fall for that?<br />
Why did I fall for that?</span></div>
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