Sixteen
months after the Fukushima Daiichi disaster there is still occasional media
commentary that claims that the meltdowns, explosions and exposed spent fuel
pools are of no consequence. As information trickled out over the first year, and
the dreadful lies of TEPCO and government agencies were exposed, these editorials
decreased in frequency, and almost disappeared altogether. It seemed as if the public
relations strategy of the nuclear lobby changed as it realized it was fruitless
to go on downplaying the severity of disaster. By late in 2011, everyone, both
pro and anti-nuclear lobbies, were sufficiently terrified by the situation. The
majority of nuclear engineers and health physicists, no matter how pro-nuclear
they were, had to admit that there was nothing to gain in appearing to be blasé
about the consequences of Fukushima.
But
this week the trend was back with a vengeance in a guest editorial in The Japan Times. Michael
Radcliffe, a lecturer at Yokohama City University, seems to have not got the
memo that the pronuclear PR machine has moved on. I suspect that he will feel
very lonely as rebuttals pour in because the pro-nuclear lobby will be content
to let him twist in the wind with the ideas he has put forward. The Japanese
government, the IAEA, and the American NRC have recently shown a lot more
contrition and seriousness about the Fukushima disaster. Nonetheless, the
downplayers and minimizers keep coming back once in a while like the undead. I’m
not sure this zombie is even worth the effort of responding to, but I’ll take
out my pitchfork and do battle with the advancing beast one more time.
The
first problem is that Radcliffe chooses as his title How I learned to stop worrying and
embrace the atom which is, of course, an allusion to
the film Dr. Strangelove or: How I
learned to stop worrying and love the bomb. This is a badly chosen title
because readers who are familiar with this film know that the title is ironic. The
film is a satire of the nuclear arms race and it did much to inspire the anti-nuclear
movement. Thus, adapting the same phrase for the title of an essay about
nuclear power sets up the reader to expect an argument against it. Instead, we
get a long list of spurious arguments in favor of nuclear power:
1. No one died because of the Fukushima Disaster
This is not exactly true because
several hospital patients died in Futaba City due to the chaotic conditions of
the evacuation. And there are more deaths if you count the suicides of
evacuees.
But still, OK, casualties were very
low. Let’s grant that. However, this is like saying it’s alright that your
house burned down because everyone got out alive. People who make this oft-repeated
point that “no one died” make no mention of the devastating impact of the loss
of agricultural land, destruction of business enterprises, the evacuation of
100,000 people, and the psychological and physical toll on them. The
callousness of this argument is no different than telling a rape victim that
all is well if she didn’t catch a disease or get pregnant.
As part of this argument, Radcliffe
compares the situation with the casualties from the Bhopal chemical spill. OK,
but the point is irrelevant. It was a chemical accident, involving not even a
competing form of energy production. If Bhopal had never happened, the
discussion of nuclear safety would be no different.
2. Mainstream Science
Radcliffe suggests that we should pay
attention only to reliable “mainstream science” such as the United Nations Scientific
Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR), or listen only to select pro-nuclear
health physicists like Wade Allison. Unfortunately,
it is not possible to define the limits of “mainstream science” or find a
consensus even among the most established experts in health physics. There are
large non-governmental organizations such as Physicians for Global Survival and Physicians for Social Responsibility, and there is the European Committee on Radiation Risk (ECRR) which
all come to widely different conclusions than the UN bodies that are staffed by and
subservient to the global nuclear industry. Putting one’s faith in the
optimistic “mainstream” science is as sensible as it was to listen, before 2008, to mainstream
economists
and financial regulators who failed to see the crash of the US housing
market. This is an age to be very skeptical of mainstream wisdom in any field
where large financial stakes are in play.
3. Previous nuclear disasters
Radcliffe goes along with the
“mainstream” view of the effects of the Three Mile Island and Chernobyl
disasters. In the case of TMI he says, “there were no reported health effects from radiation at all,
regardless of what you may have heard.” In other words, if you heard
otherwise, you should ignore this information simply because it disagrees with
sanctioned government research.
In the case of Chernobyl, he cites the
UNSCEAR report that said impact was minimal. Yet the research by scientists at
the ECRR finds the UNSCEAR results to be serious underestimations of the
effects of the disaster.
All that can be reasonably said about
this issue is that no one knows the full extent of the effects of low level
radiation and internal radiation. Officially sanctioned research is doubtful
because it disagrees with mountains of anecdotal evidence given by the victims
(in books like Chernobyl:
Crime without Punishment, by a Ukrainian journalist and politician who
lived through the disaster and its aftermath). Their stories can never be
verified by “mainstream” science because official bodies don’t want to fund
research that might give undesirable results.
4. Internal and External Exposure
The danger of internal exposure to
radionuclides has been known since the dawn of the atomic age, but it is
astounding to note how often the topic is ignored by mainstream health
physicists and radiation experts. Those who downplay the hazards consistently
talk about only external exposure. They constantly assure the public that
background levels are only slightly elevated in the disaster area, and they
trot out the familiar tropes of their argument: If you’re worried about
radiation, don’t eat bananas. Ramsar, Iran has been inhabited for centuries
with higher background radiation than any place in post-disaster Fukushima. Your
dental x-rays are more dangerous. Radon gas in your basement is more of a worry
than Fukushima, and so on.
The fact is that the anti-nuke people
are not concerned too much about external radiation. 100 mSv per year may not
cause any harm, but what they are really worried about is internal exposure to
fission products such as muscle-seeking Cesium 134 and 137, bone seeking Strontium
90, various isotopes of plutonium, and several other exotic radionuclides and
chemicals from the Fukushima explosions that rarely get mentioned (Telerium
129, Manganese 54, Silver 110, Cobalt 60, Americium 241, Neptunium 237, Rhodium
102, Iodine 131, Krypton-85,
86, Xenon133, 134, 135, 136, stable and unstable uranium, tritium…). Some of these decayed away quickly after doing their damage, while there are others remaining in uncertain amounts around Fukushima and nearby regions. No one knows how much got and will get into people’s bodies,
and what the effects will be. No one can claim any certainty about these
dangers, and so no one can discount the anxieties of people who have to live with
them.
I have read commentary by people who
work in the nuclear industry, such as the US NRC chairman Gregory Jaczko, who
still think nuclear is a necessary part of the solution to the energy crisis,
but they are humbled by the Fukushima disaster, mindful of the harm it has
caused, and respectful of the lives that have been damaged by it. This is sharp
contrast to the strident, shameless voices that say “So what? No one died.”
They ignore the dangers, blame the media for hyping bad news “because it sells,”
and label victims and opponents as hysterical naysayers. One can respect people
who have differing views about the future role of nuclear power, but it is hard
to comprehend the heartlessness that has appeared in some of the commentary of
the last year, especially when it comes from medical doctors.
5. Why evacuate or decontaminate if
there is no risk?
A
curious thing about the minimizers is that they avoid saying too loudly that the government
was wrong to declare an exclusion zone and attempt decontamination. The official line is that these are necessary public safety measures, but if
radiation were as safe as they claim it is, these measures would be unnecessary.
Radcliffe says, “In fact, a resident living anywhere
in the prefecture, even within the evacuation zone, is likely to have received
less radiation in 2011 than people living in areas of high natural background
radiation around the world, such as parts of Iran and India.” Radcliffe is suggesting here that
the government was over-cautious and should have done nothing at all in the
aftermath of the disaster. All efforts at decontamination and evacuation were a
colossal waste of money done only for show and political compromise, according to this view. Radcliffe can say it, but those in official positions cannot: all
measures to mitigate a nuclear disaster – evacuation, decontamination, food
monitoring – serve no practical purpose but are necessary for political expediency.
They appease the public, save the industry’s image, and allow it to carry on
after the situation gets “remediated.”
6. Food monitoring
Just
as Radcliffe suggests that decontamination and the exclusion zone were
unnecessary, he says the public obsession with food monitoring has been a
needless concern. He states about the contaminated beef “scare” that a soothing
authority on NHK news assured the nation that “you would have to eat a kilo of that beef a day in order for
the radiation to have any measurable effect upon your health.” Radcliffe suggests that this fact is reason to say that the
public reaction to the beef “scare” was unwarranted. However, he fails to see
the justifiable reason for the public outrage. People were not worried that
they were going to die from this one case of exposure. They were correct to be
hyper-vigilant of the government’s food inspection program. The best way to
pressure the government into setting up an effective, systemic approach to food
monitoring was to be outraged at every lapse, whether or not it had real
consequences.
7. “Massive amounts of CO2 released unnecessarily”
Finally, Radcliffe states that the
sudden shutdown of nuclear power plants created an unnecessary reliance on
fossil fuels that set back Japan’s trade balance and greenhouse gas emission
targets. By saying this, he implies that there was an alternative, that nuclear
power plants could have been kept open. However, everyone except Radcliffe,
even the nation’s pro-nuclear lobby, seems to have understood that there was no
alternative. Several nuclear power plants had been shut down before March 2011
because of scandals, earthquake damage, and breakdowns. Others were down for
scheduled maintenance, or scheduled to go down later during 2011 and 2012. The
remainder had to be shut down for rigorous safety inspections because Japan
could not risk suffering another blow like Fukushima Daiichi. All of the
seismic risks had to be reassessed, and power plants had to be put through more
rigorous stress tests. Another meltdown would be a fatal blow to the country.
8. Not mentioned
At the end of the essay Radcliffe
declares that the media and the anti-nuclear lobby were not sufficiently relieved
when cold shutdown was declared. Instead, they were almost angry, as if asking,
“How dare the crisis be over?” Media elements are “absurdly and tragically
invested in the continuation of the crisis.” It is odd that Radcliffe does not discuss
the actual content of the media reports where one can find the reasons for
disagreeing that the crisis has been resolved. The destroyed reactors are still
spilling massive amounts of radiation, no one knows where the melted cores are,
or how they will be removed or sealed off from the environment. The damaged spent
fuel pools in reactor buildings 3 and 4 contain massive amounts of radionuclides
which cannot be removed to safe confinements. If they collapse in another
earthquake, the whole site will be too radioactive for any human to work at. At
best, the crisis will take 40 years to resolve and, like Chernobyl, be a
contaminated no-man’s land for centuries. These are the facts of the situation
which are uncontroversial at this point. It is difficult to comprehend why
essays such as this one appear now when the frightening extent of the disaster
is well understood.
9. Fossil fuels
Radcliffe
laments that Japan has gone into a trade deficit because of the need to import
fossil fuels. It is not at all clear why we should risk destruction of the
country by another nuclear disaster just to pursue an economic goal, but the
trade deficit argument may be spurious for other reasons. Some of the trade
deficit was from firms moving sourcing and production overseas in the wake of
the tsunami. Some of it might have happened anyway. In any case, nuclear energy
is not cheaper just because uranium is less costly than fossil fuel per unit of
energy produced. All of nuclear energy’s costs need to be accounted for. These
include decommissioning of dozens of aging reactors, building future reactors, buying
insurance for the associated risks, finding a long-term storage solution for
spent fuel, as well as the aforementioned forty-year cleanup of Fukushima
Daiichi. Finally, we cannot forget the opportunity costs of alternative
energies not adequately developed and conservation programs not pursued.
10. Fossil fuel health effects
The
only thing that Radcliffe gets right is in the point made about the anti-nuclear
movement’s tendency to ignore the damage caused by fossil fuels, but he is
wrong to suggest that the solution for solving one evil is to go with something
that appears to be a lesser evil. An addict who switches from heroin to
crystal meth really hasn’t solved his underlying problem. Anti-nuclear activists
and global warming activists need to merge into a wider engagement with the
energy crisis. These issues are part of the bigger problem which is the end of
the global system based on economic growth and consumption. It is senseless to
keep bickering about whether cesium or particulate smog is worse for us. As George Carlin said, we
don’t have to save the planet. The planet is fine. It is indifferent to our
existence and is not obliged to provide us with a solution to our perceived energy
needs.
I
end on this point by tipping off readers to the brilliant speech by Paul
Gilding at the 2012 TED Conference. His talk called The
Earth is Full left the crowd of wealthy techno-optimists speechless and
twisting uncomfortably in their chairs. Give him seventeen minutes of your
time.
Further reading:
The Japan Times - Letters published in response to the editorial
Further reading:
The Japan Times - Letters published in response to the editorial