If I can’t work up to you,
you’ll surely have to
work down to me someday.
-Bob Dylan, Narrow
Way (2012)
Donald Trump’s critics have made much of the fact that he
is too erratic, inexperienced and ignorant to be given the responsibility of holding
“the nuclear football,” that briefcase of launch codes that is always in the
presence of an American president. An article on Thinkprogress.org
listed the terrifying things that Donald Trump has said about nuclear weapons,
but his statements point more to the fact that nuclear arsenals are terrifying
in themselves, regardless of who has the power to use them. The sum of all fears doesn't change that much when new leadership comes to power. Compared to some
other world leaders who have had their fingers on the button, Trump may not be the most dangerous. Compared to a true believer who would want to go down in flames,
or to the paranoia of Nixon in his final year, Trump may be a safer bet because he
would prefer to cut a deal, or maximize the land in Russia that might be available
for future Trump hotels and golf courses. In any case, the overall risk of
nuclear war may depend largely on other factors besides who the final decider
is. Furthermore, we should not forget the fundamental problem of having the nuclear launch decision left up to only one person. It doesn't have to be this way. It is a little-known fact that this was not always the norm in all nuclear-armed states:
In the United
States, where the president has sole authority to launch a retaliatory nuclear
strike, only the president has access to the football. The Soviet system, in
contrast, divided that authority among three senior government leaders—the
president, the minister of defense, and the chief of the general staff—who were
required to respond together to authorize action. To make such a coordinated
response possible, not only the president but also the other two senior leaders
were issued chemodanchiki [the equivalent of the American “football” — the
suitcase containing the nuclear launch codes.][1]
What follows are some of the points raised by the
Thinkprogress article (in italics), with
an explanation of why there is nothing new or shocking in what The Donald has
had to say on the topic. Much of what he says is exactly what a naïve time
traveler from the 18th century would say when told about the bizarre paradoxes that
arise from possessing nuclear weapons. His terrifying statements are best
understood as the ugly reflection of the actual nuclear doctrines that have
been in place during the nuclear age.
1.Trump said he
might use nuclear weapons and questioned why we would make them if we wouldn’t
use them.
Most media outlets ignored the question he asked next,
which made the logical anti-nuclear point: “If we can’t use them, why do we
have them?” As a businessman, he seemed to be implying we should stop wasting
money on them if they can’t be used.
2. Trump said he
was open to nuking Europe because it’s a “big place.”
If we understand Europe to be the land between Portugal and
the Urals, Europe has been a potential nuclear battlefield since the 1940s. For the 45 years
of the Cold War, thousands of tactical nuclear weapons were in Europe. The INF
Treaty of 1987 and subsequent policies abolished them, but the threat is still there now with NATO’s
recent positioning of ABM units in Romania and Poland. Other NATO countries
have US nuclear weapons, and Britain and France have their own. It is
implicitly understood that these are all aimed primarily at Russia, for reasons
that are never explained. The ideological enemy of communism is gone, but
Russia has been resurrected as the primary strategic threat. Because of this, Russia
has frantically tried to renew its arsenals and maintain parity over the last
fifteen years. So Europe is and always has been a nuclear target. The basic
logic applies: if you possess nuclear weapons, you are targeted for pre-emptive
nuclear attack by adversaries. If we are not open to nuking Europe, why are
nuclear weapons still there?
3. Trump said that
“you want to be unpredictable” with nuclear weapons.
This is standard nuclear doctrine for every nation that
has nuclear weapons. In August 2016, President Obama floated the idea of
declaring a “no first strike” policy, but it was quickly shot down by almost
all officials in his administration. China and India have promised no first
use, but it’s a promise that could be readily broken. Afterwards, there would be no one left to give or receive an apology for the broken promise.
4. Trump said he
wasn’t that worried about more countries getting nukes since “it’s not like,
gee whiz, nobody has them.”
It’s hard to not concede that Trump has a point here. The
continued possession of nuclear weapons by certain nations has been the
greatest cause of nuclear proliferation. In addition, the Non-Proliferation
Treaty has permitted signatories to pursue the development of nuclear energy,
and every nuclear reactor produces fissile material. The UN’s record on
non-proliferation is a patchy record of successes and failures, yet there has
been no official international initiative to shut down uranium mining, and thus the
nuclear industry, as a way of controlling proliferation.
5. Trump had no
idea what the “nuclear triad” was.
At the Republican
candidates debate in December 2015 only Marc Rubio knew what the triad was,
and knowing about the triad wouldn’t necessarily make someone an expert or a reliable person to have a finger on the button. Most
of the American public doesn’t know what the nuclear triad refers to, most
government employees don’t know, journalists who laughed at Trump had to look
it up, and most elected officials don’t know, either. Trump’s answer to the
question about the triad was juvenile and incoherent, but then again it isn’t
possible for the superpowers to make a rational argument as to why the lesser
nuclear powers should disarm first, or smaller nations should not try to obtain
their own deterrent force.
6. Trump said he’d
be OK with a nuclear arms race in Asia.
India, Pakistan, China, Russia and North Korea have
nuclear weapons. US submarines patrol the Western Pacific with nuclear-armed
submarines. South Korea and Japan live under the American nuclear umbrella, so
this makes them essentially nuclear-armed as well. Japan has a large stockpile
of plutonium from its nuclear reactors that it could turn into bombs on short
notice. If Trump “would be” OK with a nuclear arms race in Asia, he is mistaken
only in not knowing that the international community already is OK with it.
7. Can I be honest
with you? It [proliferation] is going to happen, anyway. It’s only a question
of time. They’re going to start having them or we have to get rid of them
entirely.
He is probably right here. This is the stark warning that
the anti-nuclear movement has been repeating for decades. Proliferation will continue
if the countries that have nuclear weapons don’t start to disarm. It is hard to
predict what Trump would actually do in a crisis, based on his contradictory
statements on many issues, but here he should get some credit for talking some
plain common sense about nuclear proliferation. So far, Hillary Clinton’s only
discussion of nuclear issues has been to denounce Trump as too dangerous to
have his finger on the button. Otherwise, we have no idea whether she has
serious ideas about moving forward with strategic arms reduction in the midst
of a tense relationship with Russia, one that she seems eager to intensify.
The satirical Trump proposal below is a sarcastic way of
pointing out that no political leaders anywhere want to discuss the toxic and
expensive legacy of nuclear weapons and nuclear energy. If we really understood
what we have already done to the planet, in addition to what we might do,
people might feel more urgency about shutting down the entire nuclear
enterprise. The statement imagines in Trumpese language what Trump would say if
he wanted Americans to worry about this issue as much as he wants them to get
frightened about border security and foreigners.
If we have nukes,
why can't we use them? And if we can't use our nukes, why do we have them? And
let me tell you something about these nukes. They're expensive, and they've
left a hell of a mess in this country. One hell of a mess, folks. A mess all
down the ages, my friends, let me tell you. You probably don't want to know.
Unbelievable. But I'm gonna do something about it. Only I can do it. It'll be a
huge cleanup, folks. Yuge! Rocky Flats, that old dump outside of St. Louis,
Hanford. All that radiation spilling into the Columbia River! And don't even
get me started on the Nevada Test Site, all that fallout that came down on our
beautiful casinos. Washington's been trying to clean it up for decades, but
they can't. They can't. It's that simple. Only I can clean it up. And let me
tell you how I'm gonna do it. The Russians and the Chinese with their
communism! Because of them we had to build all those nukes to fight communism,
so they're gonna pay. And believe me, they'll pay. We're gonna dig a hole--and
nobody digs holes better than me, believe me--and they're gonna pay for it.
DISCLAIMER: I’m not an American citizen. I didn't vote in the
American election. This is not an endorsement of Donald Trump,
but I felt I had to acknowledge his powers of persuasion and the way his rhetorical style have connected with millions of people. If he were willing to focus Americans’ outrage on environmental crimes rather
than racial discord, he would accomplish more in a day than I have done in five years
with this blog, but then he would probably find a way to blame foreigners for the
ecological damage. With all my highfalutin’ “fag talk” (as such polysyllabic talk
was called in the film Idiocracy) I
haven’t raised awareness as much as The Donald could do with this single
imaginary Trumpesque statement on the legacy of the nuclear project begun in
the 1940s. This year the voices of the dis-empowered and neglected are
speaking up, whether they be those of “low-information” voters or the “basket
of deplorables,” as Hillary Clinton referred to them. They are voicing the
challenge to the coastal big city elites laid down in Bob Dylan’s Narrow
Way: If I can’t work up to you,
you’ll surely have to work down to me someday.
For a more serious review of this topic, including both Donald Trump's and Hillary Clinton's handling of nuclear security questions, see Andrew Bacevich's excellent essay entitled The National Security Void.
Note
[1] Richard Rhodes, Twilight of the Bombs (Random House, 2010), p. 85.
For a more serious review of this topic, including both Donald Trump's and Hillary Clinton's handling of nuclear security questions, see Andrew Bacevich's excellent essay entitled The National Security Void.
Note
[1] Richard Rhodes, Twilight of the Bombs (Random House, 2010), p. 85.
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