2015/09/04

The Dawn of the Age of Nuclear Waste

On July 25, 2015, Green Majority of Canada (www.greenmajority.ca) published an interview with Dr. Gordon Edwards, the president of the Canadian Coalition for Nuclear Responsibility. The link to the interview posted here goes to a version with accurate English subtitles for the benefit of the hearing impaired, people who know English as a foreign language, and anyone who might want to translate this interview into other languages.

Click play, then click on the settings icon 
(beside the YouTube icon) to view the accurate (not automated!)
subtitles, or read the transcript below

Dr. Edwards describes how he became a nuclear skeptic—that is, how he left high school in the 1950s thinking nuclear power was wonderful, but then completely changed his mind by the time he graduated from university. Since then he has been Canada’s most vocal advocate for greater transparency and full public debate about the merits and demerits of nuclear power.
This interview can serve as an essential introductory lesson for those who are new to the discussion of nuclear power. For novices, there is an intimidating learning curve involved, and this challenge causes many people to stay disengaged, or it leads them to just follow an optimism bias and trust the reassuring messages of the pro-nuclear lobby. Most people have no idea how bad the problem is and find it hard to know what to believe. It must be a law of physics that the badness of news is inversely proportional to the likelihood of it being believed. It might even be an inverse square law (non-linear). It is truly hard to admit the grim reality created by the nuclear age.
Dr. Edwards is an expert in explaining nuclear science and nuclear history in simple terms, so this interview has the potential to capture the attention of segments of the population that are still skeptical or yet to be initiated in nuclear matters. In fact, I believe that what it really needs is a global audience. As Dr. Edwards makes clear in the interview, the nuclear industry really is in decline in North America and Europe, and this has caused the nuclear industry to look for unsuspecting buyers in developing countries (an issue which he didn’t discuss, unfortunately, as his talk is focused on those countries that adopted nuclear power decades ago).
China already has a lot of nuclear construction underway, while Saudi Arabia, South Africa, India, Vietnam, and Indonesia, as well as others, are all being courted by nuclear corporations from Japan, the USA, Russia and France. Citizens in these nations may wish to oppose these nuclear dreams, but to varying degrees they have little or no rights to have a say in decisions. Even in the “advanced democracies,” nuclear schemes were always implemented under secrecy and national security laws. One ray of hope may lie in the fact that the messages of people like Dr. Edwards can reach people in these countries that are being conned by nuclear power development schemers for the first time.
English is the most widely spoken foreign language, but still not many people in non-English speaking countries can follow spoken English on specialized topics such as this. If they have a good knowledge of the English language, it is likely that they still appreciate having subtitles or a transcript in order to comprehend interviews like this one with Gordon Edwards. Having a transcript also makes it possible for translators to create versions in other languages.
Youtube has its automated subtitling feature, but it works with varying levels of accuracy, depending on the speaker. It gave this interview subtitles that were about 80% accurate, but still that 20% inaccuracy led to some ridiculous misinterpretation that rendered the whole thing unreliable. The best solution was to use software called Google2SRT to download the automated subtitles, then revise this file to turn it into an accurate subtitle script (an .srt file that can be put on a Youtube video). Human input is still good for something.
     For this week’s blog entry I painstakingly created the accurate subtitles for the half of my readers who seem to have English as a foreign language. They will be able to learn something useful about the Canadian experience with nuclear energy, and understand why nuclear energy is a technology of the past. Most importantly, they will see that not only is the nuclear energy era over, but what we are facing now is the fact that, in the words of Dr. Edwards, “the age of nuclear waste is really just beginning.” Nations which have been fortunate enough to avoid nuclearization until now would be wise to heed the lessons of those which have been down this sorry road already.

TRANSCRIPT:

     Hi, I’m Gordon Edwards, president of the Canadian Coalition for Nuclear Responsibility. I grew up here in Toronto. My dad was a pharmacist and I went to the University of Toronto and graduated in mathematics, physics and chemistry with a gold medal in mathematics and physics.
At that time, I thought nuclear power was great because the only thing I knew about it was it was safe, clean, cheap and abundant, and as a result I thought, “Hey, this is great. It’s going to save the world.” And in fact that was how it was presented in high school at that time. That was back in the 1950s. But when I graduated from university, I discovered that none of these adjectives were in fact true. It is actually one of the dirtiest technologies that we know.
It creates the most dangerous waste of any industry ever on the face of the planet and this waste is indestructible and remains dangerous for literally millions of years and we don’t know what to do with it except to bury it somewhere and hope that it won’t get out, and that’s not a very good recommendation for a technology. Secondly, it can undergo, as we’ve seen at Chernobyl and Fukushima, it can undergo catastrophic failures and the reason this happens is fundamental. It is because you cannot generate electricity with uranium without simultaneously generating huge quantities of radioactive poisons, and these radioactive poisons are all, you might say, transmutations of the uranium atom.
For example, people have heard about Fukushima. They’ve heard about the poisons that have come out of that: the cesium 137, the iodine 131, the strontium 90, the krypton 85, the plutonium 239. What people don’t always realize is that every one of these elements started off as a uranium atom and most of that uranium came from Canada. In fact, it came from Saskatchewan, went over to Japan, was used as fuel, and was transformed into literally hundreds of different highly radioactive poisonous materials which are then spewed out in event of the accident and are still leaking today from the reactor. They’re still pumping—this is four and a half years after the accident. They’re still pumping almost 400 tons of water a day down into the cores of those melted reactors, the three melted reactors, and then back up to the surface again. By the time they get to the surface they are saturated with these radioactive materials and the water is so radioactive it can’t be released so they’ve stored it in 1,500 tanks, huge tanks, each one containing about 300 tons, and they are building more every week because they need them.
And so this is the legacy of the nuclear industry. Now here in Ontario, and here in Canada we got started into this project through the World War II atomic bomb project. Canada was one of the three countries involved in the project to develop the world’s first atomic weapons. And in fact there was an agreement signed in Quebec in 1943 between President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill at the invitation our prime minister, Mackenzie King at the time, for these three countries to cooperate in building the world’s first atomic bombs. And the reason why Canada was involved is because we had the uranium. The uranium is the key material for all nuclear weapons. There wouldn’t be any nuclear weapons of any description if we didn’t have uranium to start with. So Canada got involved very early and in great secrecy.
CD Howe, who was the power behind the throne in Canada at that time, told parliament that there was a secret project underway and he would appreciate it if nobody asked questions, and so nobody did, and so parliament from that day to this has never really questioned our commitment to nuclear power or to uranium mining in this country.
That’s one of the reasons why in my organization, which was founded in 1970, one of the first things we asked for was for there to be a national debate on the benefits and hazards of nuclear power. We were quite willing to have everything out on the table, both the pluses and the minuses so that people can judge for themselves. That’s never happened in Canada, so what happened is when they started building nuclear reactors in Ontario with the Pickering reactors, in Quebec with the Gentilly reactors, and in New Brunswick with Point Lepreau reactor, nobody knew at that time that the radioactive waste problem was a serious difficulty. Everybody thought that it was just like any industry that has garbage. The garbage men take it away and it’s gone. Nobody thought of it as being a particularly great problem, so my organization was one of the first ones to blow the whistle on this question.
I remember being on television here in Toronto and Morton Shulman, who used to be the coroner of Toronto, and who then had a radio talk show and television talk show, had me on the show along with an executive from Ontario Hydro, and I said, “Well, we have this problem with nuclear waste,” and he asked, “So what’s the problem?” and the Ontario Hydro guy said, “Well, I mean, every industry has waste so I don’t see the problem. We look after our waste better than any other industry I know of.” And Morton Shulman turned back to me and he said, “So what is the problem?” I said, “Well, ask him where we’re going to put it and he turned back and said, “Where are you going to put it?” and the guy went beet red, and he said, “Oh! You don’t know!” And that that’s when really, literally, you might say the shit hit the fan because they had a Royal Commission of Inquiry into nuclear power.
It was actually into electricity planning. It was called the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Electric Power Planning in Ontario and it was called the Porter Commission. It lasted for three years and they devoted a lot of that time into looking at the nuclear question, and they were very impressed by the dangers of this nuclear waste, and I’ll explain a little bit more about the danger in a second, but what they concluded, one of their major conclusions was that unless they can solve this problem by 1985, there shouldn’t be any more nuclear reactors built. This was in 1978 when that report was written. Unless they can solve this nuclear waste problem, there shouldn’t be any more nuclear reactors, and in fact there have not been any new nuclear reactors ordered anywhere in Canada since 1978. So, in fact, we have brought the industry to a standstill simply by asking the question: where are you going to put it? They don’t have a place to put it.
Now why is it so important? Well, the reason why is because they had a chart in this Royal Commission report which showed the toxicity, the danger to humans and to other living organisms of these nuclear wastes, and what they did was they took one year of waste from one CANDU reactor, just one year, one CANDU reactor, and they looked at how dangerous that waste would be after one year, and they said well, since we don’t have a very easy way to measure, let’s ask the following question: how much water would you need to dilute that waste to the maximum level of contamination allowed by law? So how much water would you need? It turns out to be almost exactly equal to Lake Superior. That’s one reactor, one year, and multiply that now by the number of reactors, which is twenty, multiply it by the number years, which is thirty, and you’re talking about 600 Lake Superiors. That’s a lot of Lake Superiors. We don’t have that much water in the whole world, so what they were basically saying is that this material is so dangerous that if 1 percent or 0.1 percent or 0.01 percent of this material leaks into the environment, it’s a disaster. Whereas in most human affairs you’d think that 99.9 percent containment would be wonderful. In this case, it would be a disaster, so that’s what’s fundamentally wrong with nuclear power. It creates poisons that we don’t know how to destroy. Nobody knows how to turn off radioactivity. Nobody knows how to shut it off.
And what is radioactivity? Basically, these atoms that are broken pieces of uranium atoms or else transmuted, heavier-than-uranium atoms like plutonium, these atoms are unstable, which means that they are like little miniature time bombs. They explode and when they explode, they give off damaging subatomic shrapnel which is called atomic radiation, and this exists in three major kinds: alpha, beta and gamma. Alpha and beta are not very penetrating but they’re extremely dangerous inside the body. In fact, they’re much more dangerous than the more penetrating gamma radiation.
Gamma radiation is very dangerous, too. In fact, one fuel bundle, which is about this big. It’s about the size of a log for a fireplace. One of those fuel bundles, before it goes into the reactor, you could look at it and handle it with gloves and it wouldn’t harm you. When that same fuel bundle comes out of the reactor, it would kill any human being standing within one meter’s distance without protection in twenty seconds. So that’s how... and that’s just because of the blast of gamma radiation coming off that spent fuel rod. In fact, those spent fuel rods, those spent fuel bundles when they come out of the reactor, they’ll never be handled by human hands again. They will only be handled robotically, by robots or by remote equipment.
So how did we get into this? How do we build so many nuclear reactors? The fact is people were lied to. They were told that this was a clean, safe, cheap, abundant energy source and that’s what I thought when I was in high school. If that’s all you know about nuclear power, who could possibly be against it? So these were built on false premises, these reactors. And I think now the time has come when people are more and more realizing that this is all a big lie, and that we made a big mistake in swallowing that lie, and going along with it because we trusted the scientists, thinking scientists were sort of like gods. Because they are scientists they are devoted to truth, they are devoted to honesty, and that a scientist would not say anything that was untrue, but they’re forgetting that scientists are human beings, and all human beings are fallible and all human beings have vested interests. If your whole career, and in fact the dream of your career, is really this technology, you can’t afford to tell the whole truth about it.
This is the way the nuclear industry has always behaved. It’s paternalism written with a capital P because they believe that “we scientists, we nuclear scientist, we can, in fact, look after these wastes. We can prevent reactors from exploding. We can prevent all the bad effects. For example, we can prevent these materials from being used in atomic weapons.” In fact, they cannot do this. This is beyond human power.
Because they thought that they were able to control this, they thought that it’s no harm to tell people reassuring lies, to tell people it’s perfectly safe because “we’re going to make it perfectly safe, the waste is not a problem because we’re going to solve it,” but what they were doing was putting on their shoulders a kind of an arrogance that is beyond their powers to actually realize, so we’re now at the showdown stage, and we have countries like Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, Sweden and a few other countries who are totally phasing out nuclear power.
Germany had seventeen nuclear reactors. The moment the Fukushima reactor accident happened and after that triple meltdown, they shut down seven of those reactors permanently and they’re in the process of shutting down the remaining ten. By the year 2022 they should have them all shut down.
Here in Canada, although we haven’t said that we’re phasing out nuclear power, in fact, we seem to be because at Pickering, where we had eight nuclear reactors, two of them are now permanently shut down and the other six are going to be shut down by the year 2020, so eight of those reactors are going to be gone permanently by 2020, and even though the government of Ontario has said they’re going to build new reactors, they have not, and they have postponed and postponed it because the cost is absolutely exorbitant.
It turns out that they spent billions of dollars in refurbishing some of the old reactors, and these refurbished reactors are operating at about a percent capacity factor. That means they’re only operating a little more than two-thirds of the time compared with what they’re designed to operate at, so more and more the planners and the government authorities are beginning to catch on to the idea that this is a bad deal, and at the moment we’re trying to convince the government of Ontario, and there already have been talks between the premier of Quebec and the premier of Ontario, one-to-one talks, [suggesting] rather than taking a further risk on refurbishing the Darlington reactors, the four big reactors outside of Toronto at Darlington, rather than refurbishing these at a cost of billions of dollars, why not buy surplus hydro power from Quebec? We’ve got huge surpluses of water-generated hydro power.
Now that was not environmentally innocuous at all—there was a lot of damage done to the environment building those dams, but now that they’re built we do have surplus hydro power. There’s no harm in using that surplus hydro power, as long as it isn’t used to justify more damage of the same kind. In the meantime, Ontario can actually do itself a favor. It would cost far less to buy the surplus hydro power than it would to refurbish those reactors. They can also do Quebec a favor because they are now selling that surplus hydro power to the United States at a loss, and you could also do the people of the country a favor by getting rid of this liability.
Many people still believe that the CANDU reactor is really a good reactor, and it is. It’s really one of the best, but it’s the best of a bad lot. Just because you’re the best of a bad lot doesn’t mean you’re good. The fact of the matter is that a CANDU reactor can melt down just like any other reactor can. It can have catastrophic failures just like any other reactor because the fundamental problem is not the mechanism of the machinery. That’s not the problem. The problem is that while it’s producing electricity it is also creating this enormous inventory of poisons. Anything that disrupts that, whether it’s an earthquake, whether it’s sabotage, whether it’s terrorism, whether it’s an industrial accident, whether it’s an unanticipated explosion, whatever it might be that allows that stuff to leak into the environment is going to create catastrophic results, so it’s fundamental to the technology. It is not based upon the machinery. It’s based on the poisons which are created. So a nuclear reactor is not just a machine for generating electricity. It’s also a warehouse of a fantastically large quantity of radioactive poisons. That’s the fundamental problem.
Would you want to have in your backyard a warehouse full of the most dangerous radioactive poisons you can imagine? And I think the answer is no, we don’t want it. And as a matter of fact even nuclear scientists, for example, I heard Alvin Weinberg, one of the deans of nuclear energy—he was the head of the Oak Ridge nuclear division down in the United States which developed the first enriched uranium atomic bomb—and he said we nuclear scientists—this was back in 1977 even before Three Mile Island—he said that we nuclear scientists have made a big mistake in thinking that nuclear power is just another form of generating electricity. We should not be building these near large cities at all. Now he was pro-nuclear. He said we should build them but we should build them behind a wall which society is shut off from, and this wall should be a very large and it should include a lot of waterfront so that we can have enough water to run the reactors, and that’s where the reactors will melt down into the ground, and he didn’t think about the fact that this stuff will come over the wall and contaminate the food supply, but he thought that it was definitely a mistake to build these reactors.
Look at what we have done here in Ontario. We’ve built reactors right along the shores of the Great Lakes. Can you imagine anything more stupid? Because if you look at what’s happening at Fukushima right now all the water that’s pouring into the Pacific Ocean from the Fukushima reactors. Imagine if that wasn’t the Pacific Ocean but only the Great Lakes. We would be contaminating the water supply for forty million people, and not just for one generation but for several generations to come. So it seems that people are beginning to wake up and realize that this is not the way to go.
Although Canada was the world’s largest supplier of uranium in the early years, up until 1965, all of our uranium production… from 1942 to 1965 there was a tremendous amount of uranium mined in Canada, and it was all for bombs. It all went into nuclear weapons. There were military contracts. In fact, that was the only market there was for it. We also, by the way, sold all of our plutonium for bombs to the United States from the Chalk River reactors that we built. Then in 1965 Prime Minister Pearson said from now on we’re only going to be selling uranium for peaceful purposes.
Well, it sounds good but the problem is when you sell uranium for peaceful purposes, what happens to it? You put it into a nuclear reactor, the uranium atoms get chopped up and create all these poisons we talked about, but some of the uranium atoms actually absorb a neutron to become a little heavier, and they turn into a substance called plutonium which has a 24,000-year half-life and which is the nuclear explosive that is most useful in all nuclear weapons. There isn’t any nuclear weapon that doesn’t use uranium or plutonium, and every atom of plutonium starts off as an atom of uranium.
So here in Canada, even though we are thought of worldwide as being like the Saudi Arabia of uranium, in terms of how much uranium we have in, for example, the province of Saskatchewan, we already have two provinces that have banned uranium mining altogether: British Columbia has declared a permanent ban. There will never be uranium mining in the province of British Columbia. By the way, way back in around 1980, it was the British Columbia Medical Association who led the charge on that particular score, although there were many other people who played a role in it—the fruit Growers Association, the Landowners Association, the Small Business Association—an amazing agglomeration of different segments of society which brought about that moratorium which was originally a temporary moratorium but now it’s become a permanent one.
In Nova Scotia we had a ban on uranium mining declared in 1985 which again was a temporary ban which extended right up until a couple of years ago and when it was made into a permanent law. And so now it’s illegal in Nova Scotia to even explore for uranium, and by the way, if you’re exploring for something else and you happen to come across uranium, you’ve got to stop. That’s according to the law.
Right now in Quebec we have a temporary moratorium on uranium mining and we’re hoping—in fact we’re just at the end of a process of a public hearing, a year of public hearings on uranium mining in Quebec. We’re hoping that the Quebec government—the first government to phase out nuclear power completely in North America—will ban uranium mining also from Quebec.
So we’re waiting to hear from that, but in April of this year we had an international symposium on uranium with people coming from Australia, from China, from Mongolia, from Europe and from Africa, and from all over the United States and Canada to meet together and have three days of intense discussions about uranium. Out of that symposium came an international declaration calling... and again led by the physicians... the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW)—they won the Nobel Prize Peace Prize in 1985—and they have the led the way on this, calling for a worldwide ban on uranium mining.
They’re saying that like asbestos, which we have found to be such a dangerous mineral that it should really be left in the ground altogether, there’s no way you should mine asbestos. Yes, it’s natural. So is arsenic, but arsenic is actually safer to mine than asbestos is. So asbestos should just be left in the ground, and uranium is of the same character, even more so. Asbestos threatens the health of anybody who comes in contact with it. Uranium threatens the entire planet. It threatens the entire survival of the planet, in terms of its ultimate use in nuclear weapons, and even when you use it for peaceful purposes, it breeds the material which can be used for the next ten thousand years, twenty thousand years, 100,000 years for nuclear weapons, so we’re calling for a ban on uranium mining worldwide, and we don’t think this is pie-in-the-sky. We think this is just plain common sense.
Of course that doesn’t mean that it solves the problems that are already there, but it means that you have put a cap on them. We talk about putting a cap on carbon emissions, so let’s put a cap on a weapons of mass destruction. And of course the main weapon of mass destruction really is not chemical weapons, bacteriological weapons—horrible as they are—but nuclear weapons which include all the worst characteristics of those two together with further dangers.
It’s been calculated by the same scientists who work on climate change, using the same models that are used in climate change, that if you were to have an exchange of nuclear weapons. (They like to use the word “exchange” ... “Would you like to have my nuclear weapon?” “Oh, good thank you. I’ll take one of yours...”) If you had a war involving only a few dozen nuclear weapons on each side, this would affect the entire northern hemisphere and cause a nuclear winter which would mean that it would be impossible to grow food, and it would have devastating consequences for the entire northern hemisphere. That’s a small nuclear war. If you had a big nuclear war, it’s totally game over much faster, and not only human civilization is gone but most higher forms of life as well. So why would you want to bring that material to the surface?
Let’s just think about it for a moment. What is uranium needed for? What is uranium used for. Well, basically, you can count them on the fingers on one hand, and have extra fingers left over. Nuclear weapons is the only use for uranium which absolutely requires uranium. With no uranium there’s no nuclear weapons. OK, so that’s number one. Number two is electricity generation, but we have many ways to produce electricity. We’ve got wind power, we’ve got solar energy, we’ve got hydro power, we’ve got...even peddling your bicycle generates electricity. Turning a wheel will generate electricity... and geothermal power. So uranium is not really needed for electricity. It is just one of many ways, and we don’t really need it.
As matter fact, the contribution of nuclear to electricity production worldwide has declined steadily since 1995. In 1995, it was about seventeen percent of world electricity that was produced by nuclear. Now it’s down to eleven percent and still falling.
In fact, even the most optimistic pro-nuclear people are admitting that nuclear will continue to decline in importance for the next twenty to thirty years at least because no matter how many new reactors you build, they’re going to be shutting down the old ones faster than they can build the new ones. Most of them are old and most of them are falling apart, and they’re being shutdown much faster. So there’s no way that nuclear power can make a dent in global warming in the time frame were talking about.
On the other hand, if you take a look at the specific examples such as Germany...Germany decided basically that while...especially since 2011... they’ve decided to phase out nuclear power. In only eight years, they built 30,000 megawatts of wind power. Now that’s twice the entire installed capacity of nuclear power in Canada:15,000 megawatts. If all the reactors were running and producing at top capacity, we’d have 15,000 megawatts of nuclear electricity. Germany built 30,000 megawatts of wind power in eight years. There’s no way you could build that amount of nuclear power in eight years. It’s impossible.
When you think about it, you realize... let’s imagine that you could build, 30,000 megawatts of nuclear in eight years, and during that entire eight years you would have no benefit. In fact, you would be adding to global warming because building the concrete structures, mining the uranium, refining the uranium, enriching uranium—greenhouse gases would be emitted big-time in building these reactors. You would get no electricity until after the eight years was done. Then you would start producing electricity. With wind power you build some windmills now and you get immediate benefits. Next year you get more, next year you get more, next year more, more, more, and after eight years you build your way up to 30,000 megawatts, but you’re getting benefits all the way along the line, so you can see the difference here is that these renewables are much more flexible, they’re light on their feet. They are like boxers that can, you know, float like a butterfly sting like a bee. And they can sort of solve the problem whereas nuclear is lumbering along and is really unable to respond quickly enough to make a difference.
There’s another thing, too. If after a while you decide you don’t like those windmills, what do you do? Take them down. No problem. You can’t do that with nuclear power. By the time a nuclear reactor is finished or you decide you don’t want it, you’re stuck with it because it’s a radioactive hulk, even after you take the nuclear waste out of it, the structure itself is so radioactive you have to let it cool off for about forty years and then you have to dismantle it, and all the rubble becomes radioactive waste. So you end up with a huge cost in the future even after all the benefits have been squandered. So you don’t have that with any other energy technology that I’m aware of, so that’s where I think that that simple economics combined with simple common sense combined with a real sense of responsibility to the future is combining to really put an end to the nuclear age.
I have to warn people, though, that while the nuclear age in terms of nuclear energy may be winding down, the age of nuclear waste is really just beginning, and people are going to have to get more involved, not less involved, more involved to make sure that these wastes are handled properly and that doesn’t mean abandoning them. What the industry wants to do is to abandon these wastes. They want to dig a hole, put them down a hole and then tiptoe away and say, “There, that’s done,” and of course it’s not done. Those wastes are there and they’re going to remain dangerous for millions of years, or certainly hundreds of thousands of years and they want to put these right beside the Great Lakes right now. They’re talking about building a deep geological repository less than a mile from Lake Huron. That’s about 1.5 kilometers, and so people are fighting this not out of a sense of fear, but a sense of responsibility. We don’t feel that it’s ethical or scientifically justified to abandon these wastes because nobody knows, if you put them down there, whether they’re going to stay there.
They could very well leak out over the hundred thousand years of danger that they admit to, but when they say a hundred thousand years they’re talking about plutonium which has a 24,000-year half-life and when you multiply that by ten you get 240,000, so there’s your hundred thousand years. The reason you multiply by ten is because it takes ten half-lives to get it reduced by a factor of a thousand. But what they don’t think about, even the people the nuclear industry, who should know better, or at least they don’t want to admit it, is that when plutonium disintegrates because it’s unstable, it turns into another element which is radioactive for seven hundred million years, and so in fact it doesn’t disappear. It transforms into something else which is even longer-lived than plutonium itself.
What’s happening here is that when you start totaling up the benefits you find out that nuclear power can’t do the job. When you total up the costs you figure out that they’re never-ending, and by the way that’s why they want to bury them and abandon them. It’s so that they can cut their liability, so the corporation can draw a line and say we’re no longer liable because we have quote-unquote “disposed of this.”
They thought they had disposed of poison gas in the Black Sea until it started bubbling up to the surface again after a while. Dow Chemical in Sarnia [Ontario, Canada] thought that they had disposed of chemicals that they’d injected deep into underground holes until they came up in the St. Clair River as toxic blobs in the sediment, and we’ve heard about various other incidents where, you know, the Love Canal [Niagara Falls, New York State] where there were toxic waste dumps which have come back to haunt people and really endanger the lives of people.
     So this is where we’re at, and I think that we’re at a very good juncture because people are awakening, and people are realizing that they have been misled. They were taught that nuclear power was essential. They find out that not only is it not essential to have nuclear power but rather it is essential to get rid of it.

Dr. Gordon Edwards
Toronto, Canada
July 25, 2015

2015/08/19

A Lesser Evil or a War Crime?

by Yves Boisvert
La Presse, Montreal, August 6, 2015



Translation of
par Yves Boisvert
La Presse, Montréal, le 06 août 2015

HIROSHIMA -- Mitaki might be the most beautiful place in Hiroshima. The 19th century Buddhist temple is surrounded by a small wood and moistened by nearby waterfalls. The urn buried there contains the ashes of unknown Jewish victims from the Nazi prison camp at Auschwitz.
The strange journey that brought this urn here sums up the misunderstandings and ambiguities related to the victims of the atomic bomb.
The journey took place in 1962. Four young Japanese pacifists undertook a “walk for peace from Hiroshima to Auschwitz.” Their goal was to “unite the victims” of the tragedy of the Second World War.
To the crowds that turned out to follow them they declared, “We Japanese, with our double status as aggressors and victims, have, more than others, a duty to call for peace in the world.”
They arrived at Singapore, but it was at the time when mass graves of the victims of Japanese soldiers had been found. Their welcome was not particularly warm.
They came to Israel at the invitation of the ambassador, but they got a cold reception. Their pacifist and anti-nuclear speeches didn’t have much appeal in a nation that felt threatened on all sides, a nation that had drawn different lessons from the war: a people without military power is at the mercy of assassins. Israel was developing its nuclear program, and they weren’t going to listen to the former allies of the Germans telling them to halt it.
Then they arrived in Poland. This time, their arrival was triumphal. The communist nation found these “victims of Anglo-American nuclear imperialism” to be formidable political symbols. They went to the Nazi prison camp at Auschwitz-Birkenau, and this is where they were given the urn.
They thought about having it placed in the Hiroshima Peace Memorial in order to symbolize the unity of all victims of the war, but they met with opposition from all directions. What right did they have to use these ashes of unknown Jewish victims? The affair became politically untenable and the mayor had to renounce the idea. With nowhere else to go, the urn ended up at Mitaki.
If the victims of the atomic bomb had an ambiguous status after the war, it was because the memories of the aggression by the fanatical Japanese army were more salient. Among the dead at Hiroshima were thousands of “forced laborers”—Koreans conscripted into slavery in factories.
The American version of history is that the atomic bomb was the lesser evil—the only way to end the war in the Pacific. Tokyo and almost seventy other cities had been bombed, but still the Japanese refused to surrender. A report claimed that a land invasion would lead to the deaths of one million American soldiers and 250,000 British soldiers. The destruction of Japan in an invasion would have been worse than the effects of the atomic bombs.

WAR CRIME

For Robert Jacobs, this version doesn’t hold up. The 55-year-old American historian, born in suburban Chicago, has been at the University of Hiroshima since 2005. We met in an ordinary-looking café, but the walls were the cut-stone façade of a bank, a rare vestige of Hiroshima before August 6, 1945.
Jacobs describes himself as a self-confessed “nuclear obsessive” and concentrates on the effects of nuclear tests that took place throughout the world, and on the fate of nuclear workers like those who work in Fukushima.
“When a woman falls to the bottom of the social ladder, sex work is the last resort. For men it is nuclear work.”
Jacobs added, “I remember the day when I was eight, when they taught us to hide under our desks in case of a Russian nuclear attack. At that instant I became aware of my mortality and the possibility that my entire city could disappear. I went home in a state of terror. Since the age of fourteen I have considered the atomic bombings as war crimes. It is very easy to blame the imperial Japanese government. They launched a ridiculous war and refused to surrender. It is true that the bomb put an end to the war. But the Americans were pursuing other objectives at the time. Stalin’s army was advancing rapidly. They had to show the Russians that the bomb was strategically important.”
General Douglas MacArthur, like many military leaders, was opposed to the use of the bomb, which was a decision made by President Truman. After the war, it was discovered that negotiations for surrender were taking place. The estimates of casualties of a land invasion were contested, and some historians state that an invasion probably wouldn’t have been necessary.

FROM ENEMIES TO ALLIES

How is it to be living in Hiroshima as an American specializing in nuclear history?
“A small minority expresses its anger against the United States, but in this country with many faces, you cannot always trust appearances. Sometimes forgiving is a way of affirming moral superiority… They say they are happy to have us here.”
The Americans quickly went from being enemies to being occupiers until 1952. During this period, mention of the bomb was banned from the media and works of fiction. Accounts of the hibakusha, or survivors of the bomb, appeared only later, a fact which added to the strangeness of their status.
The United States then became the ally and protector of the country from the communist threat posed by China and the USSR. All of this occurred in a very short time.
“It is interesting to see the reaction of Americans who visit the memorial. Some feel guilty when faced with the destruction of civilian life. Many are disoriented. They are confronted with a new version of history.”
A visit to this sobering memorial does not cover the creation of the bomb. All of a sudden not only the horrifying power of the bomb appears, but also the human disaster that ensued from the only two occasions when it was used.

Sources: 

Ran Zwigenberg, "The Hiroshima-Auschwitz Peace March and the Globalization of the 'Moral Witness'" Dapim: Studies on the Holocaust, Volume 27, Issue 3, 195-211, 2013. DOI:10.1080/23256249.2013.852767

Kenzaburo Oe, Hiroshima Notes (Grove Press, 1965).

Translation of:
by Yves Boisvert
La Presse, Montréal, le 06 août 2015

2015/08/12

A Rescript for the Termination of Nuclear Energy

Over the past six months, Japan has marked several famous anniversaries that occurred during the tragic months leading up to defeat in WWII: the bombing of Tokyo in March, the Battle of Okinawa in June, the atomic bombings in early August, and the surrender on August 15th. During this time, the hawkish government of Prime Minister Abe has re-interpreted the constitution so as to allow Japanese military forces to fight outside of Japanese territory, and it has been pushing steadily to restart nuclear power plants. Meanwhile, the Emperor has been traveling often, domestically and internationally, to express messages of regret for wartime aggression and dedication to the cause of peace. The Emperor is not allowed to comment on government policy, so some have wondered if this effort is a veiled attempt to work against Prime Minister Abe and strengthen the nation’s commitment to pacifism. [1]
One could also wonder if he may be having some private thoughts about how the crisis in the nuclear energy sector resembles the nation’s irrational gamble on war in the 1940s. Most of the military and political leadership knew in 1941 that war with America would end in ruin, yet because of a rotating cast of reckless deciders, and leaders who refused to lead and halt the madness, the government drifted toward Pearl Harbor. Once the war had begun, the sunk costs made it impossible to surrender no matter how obvious it was that Japan could never win. [2]
In the same way, it is quite obvious to anyone who is paying attention that you can’t have a corrupt and derelict nucleocracy operating fifty nuclear reactors on a small land mass of earthquakes, volcanoes, tsunamis and typhoons, and leave all the accumulated nuclear waste (which is also bomb fuel) piling up with no way to dispose of it. It is a crime against nature and future generations, an insult to neighboring countries, and a betrayal of Japan’s commitments to non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. It is just as suicidal and irrational as the determination to keep fighting a war that was lost from the day it was declared.
The Abe government wants to resume operating nuclear power plants in a vain hope to recover the sunk costs and to supposedly “stimulate the economy” by selling this dirty technology to the developing world. The dead-ender military men of 1945 wanted to keep fighting, on empty stomachs and fuel tanks, against both a Soviet and American invasion, along with the prospect of a continuing rain of nuclear bombs. For them a national mass suicide seemed to be preferable. They descended on the palace on August 14th to launch a coup, and the vinyl recording of the Imperial Rescript on the Termination of the War had to be smuggled out in a women’s laundry hamper to be broadcast over the radio.
The irony nowadays is that in the nuclear dilemma there is no one to compare to the few men who had the sense to find a way to surrender. There is no monarch with constitutional powers to step in and make the decision that would avoid a greater catastrophe. I have to wonder if the Emperor has ever wished he could walk over to NHK studios and deliver a speech like the one his father gave on August 15, 1945. I’ve got the draft of it all ready to go (see below).
It is easy to read the surrender speech of 1945 and be dismayed by the evasion of unpleasant topics, such as the recent Soviet invasion of Manchuria, or we can laugh at the understatement of phrases such as “the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan’s advantage.” But in seriousness I suggest it may be just this sort of face-saving language that we should look to as a shining example of a way out of our modern world war that is our destruction of nature. I look forward to the day when the five members of the UN Security Council might muster the courage to make similar admissions. Self-deception can get us into vicious circles of tragic errors, but along with plenty of evasion, euphemism and face-saving lies, it can also provide a way out.

(玉音放送 gyokuon-hōsō, Jewel Voice Broadcast)
Imperial Rescript on the Termination of Nuclear Energy (draft proposal, final decision still pending)
To our good and loyal subjects: After pondering deeply on the general trend of the world and the actual conditions pertaining to our Empire today, we have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered our government to inform the government of the United States, Britain, China, and the Soviet Union that our Empire accepts the provisions of their joint declaration (the Potsdam declaration).
To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations, as well as for the security and well-being of our subjects, is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by our Imperial ancestors and which lies close to our heart. Indeed, we declared war on America and Britain out of our sincere desire to ensure Japan’s self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Although the best has been done by everyone—the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of our servants of the state, and the devoted service of our hundred million people—the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan’s advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interests.
The enemy, moreover, has begun to employ a new most cruel bomb, the power which to do damage is indeed incalculable, taking toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, it would only result in the ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation . . . but would lead also to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are we to save millions of our subjects, or ourselves, to atone before the hallowed spirits of our Imperial ancestors? This is the reason we have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the joint declaration of the Powers.
We cannot but express the deepest sense of regret to our allied nations of East Asia, who have consistently cooperated with the Empire toward the emancipation of East Asia. The thought of those officers and men who have fallen on the field of battle, of those who have died at their posts of duty, or those who have met with untimely death, and of their bereaved families, pains our heart night and day. The welfare of the wounded and war victims and of those who have lost their homes and livelihood are objects of our profound solicitude. The hardships and sufferings to which our nation is to be subjected hereafter will certainly be great.
We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that we come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is insufferable. Having been able to save and maintain the structure of the Imperial State, we are always with you, our good and loyal subjects, relying upon your sincerity and integrity. Beware most strictly least any outburst of emotion, which may engender needless complications, or any fraternal contention and strife, which may create confusion, lead you astray and cause you to lose confidence of the world. Let the entire nation continue as one family from generation to generation, ever firm in its faith in the imperishability of its divine land, and mindful of its heavy burden of responsibilities and the long road before it. Devote your united strength to construction for the future. Cultivate ways of rectitude, further nobility of spirit, and work with resolution, so that you may enhance the innate glory of the Imperial State and keep pace with the progress of the world.
To our good and loyal subjects: After pondering deeply on the general trend of the world and the actual conditions pertaining to our nation today, we have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered our government to inform the International Atomic Energy Agency that we accept the provisions of our citizens opposed to our further production of nuclear energy and so-called "nuclear waste."
To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations, as well as for the security and well-being of our subjects, is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by our ancestors and which lies close to our heart. Indeed, we have recklessly endangered the natural world with our energy policy, it being far from our thought either to infringe upon the rights of others to live in an unspoiled environment, or to embark upon aggrandizement at the expense of future generations. But now we have been on this path for nearly sixty years. Although the best has been done by everyone—the gallant efforts of our engineers, scientists, corporate leaders, the diligence and assiduity of our servants of the state, and the devoted service of our hundred twenty million people—the nuclear catastrophe situation has developed not necessarily to Japan’s advantage, while the general trends of renewable energy technologies have all turned against our interests.
Our competitors, moreover, have begun to employ a new and most innovative technology, the power of which to not do damage is indeed incalculable, taking no toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to create plutonium, it would only result in the ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation . . . but could lead also to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are we to save millions of our subjects, or ourselves, to atone before the hallowed spirits of our ancestors? This is the reason we have ordered this radical departure from our established policy.
We cannot but express the deepest sense of regret to our citizens, and other nations of the world, who have consistently cooperated with us since the great disasters of the year 2011. The thought of those people who lost their lives, their loved ones or their homes, of those who were terrified and harmed by radiation spreading throughout the world, pains our heart night and day. The welfare of those who have lost their homes and livelihood are objects of our profound solicitude. The hardships and sufferings to which our nation is to be subjected hereafter would certainly be great if we were to continue down our erroneous path.
We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that we come by changing what we thought unchangeable and suffering what is actually bearable. Having been able to save and maintain the structure of the state, we are always with you, our good and loyal subjects, relying upon your sincerity and integrity. Beware most strictly least any outburst of emotion, which may engender needless complications, or any fraternal contention and strife, which may create confusion, lead you astray and cause you to lose confidence of the world. Let the entire nation continue as one family from generation to generation, ever firm in its faith in the imperishability of its divine land, and mindful of its heavy burden of responsibilities and the long road before it. Devote your united strength to construction for the future. Cultivate ways of rectitude, further nobility of spirit, and work with resolution, so that you may enhance the innate glory of our land and keep pace with the progress of the world.

Notes

[1] Emperor prodded Abe with WWII ‘remorse’ remark, The Japan Times, June 5, 2015. http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/06/05/national/politics-diplomacy/emperor-prodded-abe-wwii-remorse-remark-commentator/#.VcoLXFSqpBd

[2] Eri Hotta, 1941: Countdown to Infamy (Vintage, 2014). See location 543/7672, Kindle edition:

“Japan’s fateful decision to go to war can best be understood as a huge national gamble. Social factors made the gamble harder for the leaders to resist, but their final decision to take the plunge was a conscious one. Believing that Europeans fighting Hitler had left their colonial possessions relatively unguarded, some bellicose strategists in the military planning bodies effectively pushed their aggressive proposals forward, convincing their superiors that the more time they took, the fewer resources they would have left to fight with and the more the United States would gain to prepare for what was in their minds an “inevitable” clash—a geopolitical necessity to determine the leader of the Asia-Pacific region… Objectively speaking, it was a reckless strategy of enabling a war by acquiring new territories to feed and fund that war… Not everyone gave up completely on a diplomatic settlement with the United States until fairly late, but nobody was ready to assume responsibility for Japan’s “missing the bus,” in a popular expression of the time, to gain strategic advantage… An unlikely Japanese victory was predicated entirely on external conditions… that were beyond Japan’s control, such as wishful scenarios of the United States quickly suing for peace or of Nazi Germany conquering Europe.”

2015/08/05

The New York Times Gloss on Hiroshima and Nagasaki

The New York Times Gloss on Hiroshima and Nagasaki


August 6th and 9th, 2015. Seventy years since the atomic bombs were dropped on Japan. The obvious things to say are being said elsewhere, so what follows is an analysis of some American coverage of the dreadful anniversary that has appeared so far.
As this anniversary rolls around each year, the question on everyone’s mind, the aging elephant in the room, is whether an American president will ever visit the bombed cities and admit that, yes, maybe, possibly, WWII could have ended sometime around August 1945 without the atom bomb. And maybe the global existential dread of the following years could have been avoided if America hadn’t scared Stalin into thinking the USSR was the next target. [1] But we may have to wait a long, long time for any words of contrition to be uttered by an American politician. Some officials may visit and go through the usual contortions to show sympathy and express hope that it may never happen again, but it is still impossible for American leaders to describe it as a war crime, or even as a strategic blunder that wasn’t necessary to end the war with Japan. [2][3]
To get an idea of the present limits on American public discourse on this topic, it’s interesting to note who gets to write about it in the perpetrator’s paper of record, The New York Times, one week before the 70th anniversary. The Times could have told the story of its own reporter, William L. Laurence, who was on the payroll of both the Times and the Manhattan Project in the 1940s. He dutifully reported on all the information he had been privy to as soon as the bombs were dropped, then he passed on to the public the military’s lies about the effects of radiation from the bomb blasts in New Mexico, Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Journalists and authors who uncovered this gross breach of journalistic ethics have called for The New York Times to apologize for its role as a state propaganda organ, and for Laurence’s Pulitzer Prize to be revoked, but the issue has been studiously ignored by the Times. [4]
In the past two weeks leading up to August 6, 2015, the Times has run several articles about the 70th anniversary, but they have all been short on historical analysis and long on biographical sketches of survivors or scientists from the Manhattan Project. In the example discussed here, the honor of commemorating the occasion went to Ian Buruma, who in 2010 was ranked by the journal Foreign Policy as one of the “top 100 global thinkers.” [5] He was described therein as a “classical liberal” in the political and economic sense of the term.
Included on the list were several members of the political and business establishment (Henry Kissinger, Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright, Robert Gates, David Petraeus, Bill Gates, Sergey Brin, Larry Page, Steve Jobs, Jeff Bezos…) and intellectuals who can be generally described as those who downplay what Western civilization has done to the “developing world” yet hold up Western liberal democracy and economics as the beacon of hope for those who are yet to experience the benefits (Niall Ferguson, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Steven Pinker, Malcom Gladwell, Christopher Hitchens, Thomas Friedman, David Cameron…). Conspicuously absent from the list are famous dissidents such as Noam Chomsky and Ralph Nader, as well as many others who are too far outside ideological boundaries to be included.
In the July 28th edition of The New York Times, Ian Buruma addressed the 70th anniversary of the atomic bombs by reviewing the non-fiction book Nagasaki: Life After Nuclear War. [6] He paid the obligatory respect to the victims and the peace movement, and he acknowledged the “barbarism” of the atomic bombings and the neglect of the victims during the censorship of the American occupation. The curious omission, however, was the avoidance of the one thing historians have become more certain of over the years: the bombs were not essential for bringing the war to a quick end.
More curious still is the way Buruma accuses the peace movement of being naively manipulated by both rightist and leftist politics. The atom bombs, defeat and the American occupation supplied both left and right in Japan with anti-American grievances, so Buruma asserts, without any explanation, that the peace movement was manipulated by the extreme right, as well as the left.
The problem here is that Buruma confounds two competing views of Japanese history as being one thing called “the peace movement.” Most people who follow Japanese society think of the peace movement as leftist, against all forms of militarization, and very prone to denouncing Japan’s wartime atrocities. In contrast, the views of conservative political parties and right-wing groups are never associated with anything one would call a peace movement. The real peace movement has in fact fought constant battles to portray Japan’s wartime atrocities accurately in textbooks and museum exhibits.
Elsewhere in the review Buruma laments that monuments in Nagasaki Peace Park were donated by the likes of the Soviet Union, Poland, Cuba, the People’s Republic of China and East Germany, and then he drops in the completely irrelevant sentence, “Whether the world would have been a safer place on the terms of the Soviet Union and its satellites is less clear.” There is something strange about the placement of this statement here, and the implication that is attempted. First, was Nagasaki supposed to humbly accept these expressions of sympathy and shared hopes for a peaceful future, or was the city obliged to denounce the givers as insincere hypocrites? It’s not as if the “peace movement” was so politicized that monuments from the USA and other Western countries would have been refused because of their ideology or past deeds. For some strange reason (it’s so hard to imagine what it could be), their contributions are absent. Second, there is the inconvenient fact that the Eastern Bloc and China, for all their flaws, never used atom bombs in an act of war. That’s just something that the cheerleaders of capitalism and liberal democracies have to live with. Finally, it is ridiculous to imply that the acceptance of a few peace monuments meant that “the peace movement” was duped into supporting a world order based on “the terms of the Soviet Union.”
In a similar scaremongering slight directed at the peace movement, he added, “preaching world peace and expressing moral condemnation of nuclear bombs as an absolute evil are not a sufficient response to the dangers facing mankind.” He seems to suggest here that the citizens of Hiroshima and Nagasaki have to speak out on every other problem in the world before they should be taken seriously.
The dangers Buruma referred to were actually left unspecified, but it seems the point was made as a deflection to minimize responsibility for Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Supposedly, nuclear abolitionists are deluded if they are not fighting threats that lurk somewhere outside the influence of liberal democracies. One would normally think that the only other threat that comes close to the danger of nuclear war is ecological collapse, which is certain to come if current trends continue. But since this is a problem that has been created by the industrial revolution that rode along with classical liberalism, it goes unmentioned. It’s better to just refer vaguely to “dangers facing mankind.” By implication perhaps we are supposed to understand that this refers to the common euphemisms found in American discourse: “instability in the Middle East” or “saber-rattling” by Russia and China.
Finally, Buruma discusses Japan’s attitude toward its post-war liberal reforms. He refutes Southard’s claim that these were forced on Japan by an occupying nation, but again, the facts get in the way. Japan was an occupied nation and the new constitution was imposed in the absence of democratic representation. Most Japanese people may have liked the reforms, but it is an undeniable fact that they had no choice in the matter. Buruma wrote, “They didn’t have to be forced, for they cooperated quite willingly with the Americans who helped instigate them [the reforms].” But it depends on what you call “willing cooperation.” People tend to willingly cooperate in many circumstances where there are no alternatives. The fact remains that they were denied pride of ownership of these reforms because they had no voice in creating them.
What is more important here is that Buruma neglects the national pathology that arose from this lack of agency. It can’t be remedied as long as Japan remains saddled with its American-supplied constitution, occupied by American military installations and subordinate to American policy. The right feels the nation has been emasculated, and the left suffers from the delusion that Japan has been a pacifist country during an era in which the occupation never really ended. Japan has hosted American military bases, and colluded in, supported and profited from American wars ever since the Korean conflict in the 1950s. The left, and the new generation of protesters decrying the recent re-interpretation of Article 9 (which forgoes the use of force as a way to settle international disputes) is upset that Japan is parting from its post-war tradition of pacifism, but they seem unaware of how complicit Japan has been in American wars. In one sense, it will be a good thing if Japanese soldiers are asked to join the next one. In that case, military cooperation with America might become less popular than it is now, and politicians will finally be held accountable for aiding and abetting American strategic goals.
For someone who is considered a leading intellectual and a Japan specialist, Buruma’s discussion of Japanese history here is surprisingly facile and evasive. On the surface, the review is what passes these days as a compassionate think piece on one of the greatest atrocities of history, but on further reflection, it becomes apparent that the review actually serves up mostly backhanded compliments to the victims and the millions of people who have worked to eliminate nuclear weapons. This wouldn’t be the case if he had not decided to use this opportunity to deflect blame onto his ideological opponents from a bygone era and to chastise the anti-nuclear movement for being “politicized” and naïve about unspecified “dangers facing mankind.”

Notes

[1] Kate Brown, “The Great Soviet and American Plutonium Disasters,” interviewed on TalkingStickTV, January 18, 2014. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O6Ys8ii6r_M As early as September 1945, Soviet spies had found American contingency plans for targeting Soviet cities with atomic bombs, and this shock came on top of the Soviets’ bitter feelings of betrayal and abandonment by America, a wartime ally that suddenly seemed to want to take maximum advantage of the USSRs devastation in the post-war era. See also Kate Brown’s book Plutopia: Nuclear Families, Atomic Cities and the Great Soviet and American Plutonium Disasters, pages 97-98.

[2] Roger Goodman (director), “Hiroshima: Why the Bomb was Dropped,” ABC News, August 1995. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9-WnLNLe3sk This documentary is an exceptional case in which a report produced for a mainstream American news channel gave comprehensive coverage of the decision to use the bomb. While leaving the question open for viewers to decide, the evidence presented strongly suggests that American motives were based on objectives beyond the war with Japan, which was sure to end soon thanks to the threat of Soviet involvement.

[3] William Burr (editor), “The Atomic Bomb and the End of World War II,” National Security Archive, George Washington University, August 5, 2005, updated August 4, 2015. http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb525-The-Atomic-Bomb-and-the-End-of-World-War-II/ This resource provides a wide range of primary sources that have been used by researchers to support their interpretations of the way America chose to end WWII.


[5] ahughey, “The FP Top 100 Global Thinkers,” Foreign Policy, November 23, 2010.